Iran Minister Issues 'Inflation Roadmap' While Economic Crisis Worsens

The attacks have targeted American companies, including healthcare providers and transportation companies.

CISA, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Australian Cyber Security Centre (ACSC), and the United Kingdom’s National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) have released a joint Cybersecurity Advisory highlighting ongoing malicious cyber activity” by a group that FBI, CISA, ACSC, and NCSC assess is associated with the government of Iran.

“FBI, CISA, ACSC, and NCSC urge critical infrastructure organizations to apply the recommendations listed in the advisory to mitigate risk of compromise from Iranian government-sponsored cyber actors,” the statement by Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency has said.

Iranian hacking groups linked with the government of the Islamic Republic are among the world’s top cybersecurity threats, especially in targeting US, Israeli and European targets.

While Iran’s Tasnim news agency affiliated with the Revolutionary Guard said an oil pipeline exploded, Images sent by local residents show huge, ferocious flames shooting into the sky, in what seems more likely to have been a gas pipeline fire.

A tweet from the scene by an account tagged as “Iranworkers” also mentions a gas pipeline explosion, the second in less than a month in the same area.

Residents in a village nearby also reported a strong initial explosion that felt “like an earthquake”.

There have been many explosions and fires in Iran’s military and industrial site since mid-2020, with authorities not giving a full explanation in many instances. However, they have blamed Israel for a series of spectacular sabotage attacks on nuclear facilities, including two explosions at Natanz uranium enrichment center.

The oil and gas industries have also experienced many incidents of exploding pipelines and refineries where large fires ignited.

Farhadi wrote the statement in response to a remark by one of the IRGC's filmmaking organization that previously funded a number of Iranian movies. The official had said: "Farhadi is an intelligent filmmaker. He behaves in a way to please both the government and those who are outside the government," in a way accusing Farhadi of hypocrisy.

This comes while some film critics in Iran and abroad have accused Farhadi of showing the Islamic Republic in a good light to please the ruling mullahs. In his latest film that has been nominated by the government as Iran's entry for the Academy Award, Farhadi showed Iranian prisons in a way the critics described as beautifying a violent regime.

Farhadi said he has no problem if the government decides to pull his film, A Hero, out of the competition for an academy award. He has already won two academy awards for his films A Separation (best foreign language film screenplay in 2012) and Salesman (best foreign language film in 2017). A Hero won the Grand Prix in Cannes Film Festival earlier this year.

He told the IRGC official: "I should say very clearly that I hate you!" adding "How can you deceitfully link me to a government whose hardliners have done everything to tarnish my image?" Farhadi also said he has already declared his views about the downing of a passenger aircraft by the IRGC in 2020 and the murdering of protesters in 2019 as well as causing the death of thousands of Iranians by ignoring their need for vaccines against COVID-19. However, he did not say where he publicized his views about these atrocities. Critics had previously lashed out at him for not expressing his views on these matters.

Meanwhile, the renowned filmmaker revealed for the first time that his passport was repeatedly confiscated at the Tehran airport and asked once again, "How can you link me to a government that has said many times that I had better not return to Iran." It is still not clear whether Farhadi released this statement from abroad or he is in Iran, in which case it could entail punishment by the regime.

Addressing the IRGC official, Farhadi said: "I have never had any sympathy with your backward thoughts and approaches and have never needed to be praised by you. While you have accused me for years of portraying Iran disparagingly, now some others are alleging that I am beautifying the regime."

He added: "If you think nominating my film as Iran's entry for anAcademy Award brings me under your flag, I declare very clearly that I have no problem with withdrawing my film from the competition."

Farhadi added that he regrets that his decision to remain in Iran and make films in Iran has led to the belief that he is a hypocrite. He also promised that he will soon speak out clearly about the other controversies surrounding himself and his movies.

Some two months ago, referring to the way the Iranian government handled the COVID-19 pandemic, Farhadi said the people are angry that "the system" has not taken any decision to improve people's lives. He told the US movie publication Hollywood Reporter that Iranians will never forgive the ban on importing of US and UK-made vaccines.

The Islamic Republic of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei banned the purchase of American and British vaccines in January, and his decision reportedly led to thousands of avoidable deaths.

In June, Iran’s Khazar Exploration and Production Company (Kepco), then touted as the field’s main developer, suggested the field held 30 percent of the developable natural gas reserves of all Caspian Sea littoral counties and could potentially meet 20 percent of all European demand for gas.

But those figures may need revising, upwards - a point well grasped in Moscow. According to Simon Watkins, of Oilprice.com, further studies have revealed that the field has far more reserves than previously thought, with a total 7.1 trillion cubic meters, fully half the reserves of South Pars, Iran’s huge field in the Persian Gulf.

Watkins reported Monday that this has led to a revised understanding, during the Tehran-Moscow cooperation discussions, that would see for 20 years 40 percent share of output go to Russia’s Gazprom and Transneft, 28 percent to China’s CNPC (China National Petroleum Corporation) and CNOOC (China National Offshore Oil Corporation), and only 25 percent to Iran’s Kepco. This division (more on the missing 7 percent below) would apply even though the field falls within Iranian sovereignty.

Such an agreement, Watkins suggested, would enable Russia to head off any potential challenge to its own place in the European market – while presumably keep up gas prices to both Russia’s and Iran’s benefit – posed by a new supply of Iranian gas if US sanctions ended.

The advantages for Iran would be bringing in Transneft for transportation, CNPP for financing, CNOOC for infrastructure and engineering, one source told Watkins. The deal would also give Iran some level of Russian political support internationally, including in future issues over Iran’s nuclear program and its 2015 nuclear deal with world powers, the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action).

And the pot is large. With Transneft reporting to Moscow that latest research suggests Chalous could supply 52 percent – rather than 20 percent – of Europe’s needs over the 20 years of the agreement, the financial benefits to Iran would be significant. A 28 percent share of a gas field potentially worth $450 billion over 20 years would be $5.6 billion annually or a total of $112 billion.

IRGC ‘real management’

Such benefits could be particularly useful, Watkins suggested, for “hydrocarbons companies closely associated with the Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC)” that would exercise the “real management” over the Iranian operation and would scoop the missing 7 percent from the carve up. Once the 20-year agreement ended, remaining exploitation of Chalous would lie with the IRGC construction arm, Khatam-ol Anbia, leaving it the lion’s share of a total value of the field now put overall at a staggering $5.4 trillion.

Imponderables remain. There has been talk of European investment in the field – but this would surely depend on the easing of United States sanctions that drove out of South Pars operators like Total, a world leader in offshore gas and in liquefaction.

And while Russia and China are both increasingly evading US sanctions, including through reducing dollar-denominated trade both bilaterally to under 50 percent and around the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, it is hard to see Chalous field developing its real potential and fully tapping European demand with stringent US sanctions in place.

Complications might also arise in domestic Iranian politics, where government critics may denounce a diminution in sovereignty and loss of resources. If either proves a bitter pill to swallow, the taste will not be sweetened by Watson’s calculation that the new Chalous figures when counted as sovereign Iranian assets − with allowance made for Russia’s own figures being out of date − mean Iran has now the world’s biggest gas reserves.

Of 260 lawmakers present, 140 opposed Raisi's [Raeesi] candidate, Masoud Fayazi, while 115 voted in favor and five abstained.

The parliament's opposition had revealed itself last week when Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf (Qalibaf) announced the nomination on November 9. Lawmakers drowned the speaker's voice by their shouts of disapproval.

Having nominated Fayazi November 8, Raisi attended the session to say he and colleagues had interviewed him and rated him an excellent candidate. His vehement defense of Fayazi and his presence in the parliament to back his candidate made the defeat even more damaging for Raisi.

Fayazi’s critics highlighted alleged discrepancies in his career, suggesting he taught in university before getting a bachelor's degree in civil engineering that took him 15 years to complete. They suggested he had taken nine years to achieve a master's degree in Islamic law without getting “full accreditation.” They disputed his doctorate and said he had never taught in a school or been a school principal.

In his speech to parliament, Raisi disputed charges of nepotism – based on Fayazi being a relative of Tehran mayor Alireza Zakani – and argued that it was unjust to ignore a person’s achievements because of any connections they might have. The president suggested that the nomination was based on “God’s approval…proven to me as a jurist.”

Rejection of Raisi's second nominee signifies that the conservative majority in parliament is not prepared to offer the president unconditional support. Iranian media already proclaims “the end of the honeymoon” with many principlists expressing disapproval of Raisi's choices for ministerial positions and lack of clear plans to deal with multiple crises facing Iran.

Allegations of nepotism are a staple of Iranian politics and were quickly made against Raisi, who took office in August. Fayazi is the brother of Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani's son-in-law. Zakani's own appointment by the new conservative-dominated Tehran city council in August highlighted a lively division in the camp.

In August, the parliament approved all Raisi’s ministerial nominations except for education minister, Hossein Baghgoli, who is reportedly a relative of his wife. Raisi is the son-in-law of the Friday prayer imam of Mashhad, Iran's second largest city.

Raisi has only one week left of three months allowed for approving ministers. If he fails to present another candidate, or the candidate is again rejected, the president will need to appoint a caretaker for three months or assume responsibility for the ministry himself. The law requires a caretaker minister to be approved by the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei.