Iran International
A lawmaker who had recently revealed bribery involving a former minister and seventy lawmakers in Iran has been indicted for “making a claim without evidence”.
Mizan, the official news agency of the country’s judiciary said Tuesday that Ahmad Alirezabeigi, representing the northwestern city of Tabriz in the parliament, was indicted based on a report by the parliament’s board supervising lawmakers’ conduct.
The board ruled that the whistleblower had not offered any evidence for his claim of bribery, although after his revelation evidence emerged that more than 70 lawmakers had received SUVs from carmakers accountable to the minister of industry.
In an interview with Etemad newspaper on April 30, Alirezabeigi described his meeting with the board as “a political trial”.
He insisted that his claim was proven by the fact that an official of the parliament’s human resources department had signed the letter to the company that made the offer of cars below market value with installments and without any interest. The letter contained a list of lawmakers who signed up to receive the cars.
Alirezabeigi and another lawmaker, Hossein Jalali, also claim that Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf was aware of the offer of cheap cars for lawmakers.
According to Mizan, Alirezabeigi has made his final defense and a court order (writ of security) has been issued to ensure he would return to the court when summoned.
Alirezabeigi revealed in late April that over seventy SUVs were offered to the lawmakers at a lower price by the ministry of industry ahead of lawmakers’ discussion of a motion in December last year to impeach former minister of industry, Reza Fatemi-Amin. The minister was accused by at least 40 members of parliament of “inadequate performance” including failure to control rising prices for domestically produced vehicles, their low quality, preventing competitive imports, and corruption in the industry.
The first impeachment drive failed as many lawmakers stopped supporting the motion, allegedly after receiving the vehicles. Eventually, parliament sacked Fatemi-Amin on April 30th, two days after Alirezabeigi’s revelation, despite the government and Fatemi-Amin’s denials of any wrongdoing.
More than 200 members of parliament have sent text messages to the public or told the media that they were never involved in the scheme and had not benefited from it. The media have published a list of others who have not denied receiving the SUVs. These include both Ghalibaf supporters and hardliner Paydari Front lawmakers.
Importing cars has been mostly banned by the government in recent years and domestic production is limited, making personal vehicles a sought-after commodity. Obtaining domestically produced vehicles is hard and there are long waiting lists that boosts their price.
Alirezabeigi who has close ties to the former populist President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad claims he only meant to combat corruption and had no hidden agenda when he disclosed the bribery by automakers on behalf of the minister.
Khabar Online, a news website close to the former moderate-conservative speaker of parliament, Ali Larijani, wrote Saturday that the scandal has turned into an excuse for the two major groups of hardliners in the parliament -- supporters of Ghalibaf and Paydari Front lawmakers – to settle political accounts.
“I was not personally offered to receive a car, but I have seen the cars in the parliament. They were in the parliament’s parking lot and were given to lawmakers. The matter is quite clear,” Bigdeli told Asr-e Iran news website on April 27.
“Some people gain privileges on various excuses to compromise and undermine the supervisory duty of the parliament,” he said on April 30 while calling such bribery a “tradition in the parliament” to prevent impeachments.
The location in the southwest of Iran was revealed Monday by Alma center, a non-profit research organization which focuses on the security challenges on Israel's northern borders.
The UAV base is carved into the Zagros mountains near Shiraz, Fars province, according to a video released by Alma. The location is about 10km from Shiraz airbase, which also houses the air force's SU-24 jets of the 72nd tactical fighter squadron.
The base’s proximity to the strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf “threatens the entire Middle East at any given moment”, Alma warned.
Satellite footage provided by the center shows the drone base consists of a site for a “swarm” – a coordinated unit of multiple drones – and a command-and-control center.
The swarm base has at least five UAV launch silos as well as three access tunnels and a loading dock tunnel.
The UAVs that can be launched from the silos are Shahed, the same kamikaze attack drones the regime is supplying to Russia for its invasion of Ukraine.
The underground base is at least 3km long with an entrance near Shiraz industrial town, where parts are probably made or assembled.
The 2,000km range of Iran’s attack UAVs drones allowed it attack sites beyond Israel as far as Cairo, Alma claimed.
The Iranian authorities have released images of drone bases but never disclosed their locations.
Last year in March, Israeli media reported that an Israeli aerial attack destroyed hundreds of drones at an IRGC airbase in the Iranian province of Kermanshah. Six Israeli drones struck the base in Mahidasht region near the western city of Kermanshah in a covert operation. In response, Tehran pounded Iraq’s Kurdistan region with missiles for week, claiming the targets were bases used by Israel.
In April, Iran released footage of top brass visiting a large underground base housing a large number of drones. Earlier, in February, Iran revealed an underground air force base called
"Eagle 44", saying it is the first of its kind large enough to house fighter jets, with reports that the base is also capable of storing and operating drones. Iran’s lack of a viable modern air force due to long-running sanctions and arms embargoes leaves it mostly relying on missiles and drones.
There has been growing speculation recently over an Israeli air attack on Iran to contain its military program. The US and Israel held large-scale drills in January in possible preparation for such an attack.
Many Iranians didn't sleep all night after the polls closed in Turkey on May 14 and keenly followed election results on Iranian and international media, partly because of what an Iranian Twitter user noted as a similarity between the Turkish elections and the disputed Iranian presidential election in 2009.
International relations commentator Ehsan Movahedian wrote about the similarity: "The bipolar situation in Turkey is reminiscent of the 2009 election and its bitter consequences. Erdogan's provocative speeches reminds one of Iran's former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The United States and Israel are lurking to take advantage of the situation and Iran is worried."
Just hours after polls closed in 2009, the regime announced that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had wone the election in the first round. Millions of voters and the losing candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi disputed the hasty announcement and months of protests ensued. Thousands were arrested, dozens killed, and the mechanism of repression received a huge boost.
During the past few days, military forces in northeast Iran, which borders Kurdish populated eastern Turkey were put on a state of alert to control possible demonstrations following a likely victory by the opposition coalition leader Kamal Qelichdaruglu [Kilicdaroglu], social media reports said.
When the results were finally declared Monday morning, May 15, and incumbent President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Qelicichdaruglu went through to take part in the run-off election in two weeks' time, Iranians began to ask themselves on social media where did all the interest in Turkish election come from.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry congratulated Erdogan and called the result "a victory for democracy." That was a very meaningful message from a country where a similar election in 2009 led to serious political strife with lasting deep wounds that seriously dented the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic.
The Twitter accounts of Iranian newspapers constantly updated the results throughout the night as they came in from Turkish media.
Iranian journalist Sadegh Alhosseini called the election a miracle, and called on Iranians to compare Erdogan's legacy with political dynamics in Iran and Saudi Arabia. Another Iranian journalist, Mehdi Rahbar, wrote: "This was the toughest challenge Erdogan faced during the past 20 years. And it is going tougher for him in the run-up election although Qelichdaroglu does not have a smooth path ahead of him either."
Yet another Iranian journalist, Mohammad Motlagh wrote Sunday night: "Iran is the biggest winner of Turkey's election. If Erdogan wins, that would be the beginning of the decline of NATO and probably conflicts between Turkey and Greece; and if Qelichdaroglu wins, it means harnessing the war in Caucasia [Armenia-Azerbaijan], reduction of tensions in Syria and Iraq and more interest in Russia to get closer to Iran."
Iranian academic Fatemeh Shams wrote: "Erdogan's defeat makes me happy as Iran's defeat will do. Do not underestimate Erdogan and his Mafia's corruption and radicalism. If the opposition wins the election in Turkey many dynamics will change in the region."
Iranians saw the Turkish vote as democracy in action. As Iranian journalist Amir Hossein Mossala Pointed out, "No matter which candidate wins the election, the people of Turkey are its winners. They do not have leaders with absolute powers for life. There is no engineered election and arbitrary vetting of candidates in Turkey."
As an Iranian social media user observed, "Both sides have claimed victory, but [unlike Iran in 2009] no one attacked Qelichdaroglu's campaign or arrested its staff. SMS service has not been cut off, observers have not been expelled from polling stations, and Erdogan's supporters did not take to the streets with clubs in their hands. Turkey did not welcome darkness."