Iran Satellite Launch Raises Concern Over Missile Program

Iraj Rahnama and Gholamreza Gholami, serving as teachers in Fars Province, have embarked on a hunger strike since January 13 to protest the sentences handed down to them.

They were sentenced to five and eleven years in prison, respectively, by Branch 37 of the Fars Province Appeals Court in December.

In addition to their prison terms, they received "supplementary penalties," including a two-year travel ban resulting in passport cancellation and a two-year ban on online activities.

Furthermore, Gholami has been subjected to an additional penalty of two years of exile in Birjand, northeast of Iran.

The statement said, "The physical and age-related conditions of the two prisoners, combined with the substantial and irreversible risks of their hunger strike, have deeply worried their families, fellow activists, and the entire community."

In recent decades, numerous political prisoners in Iran, especially those undertaking hunger strikes in protest, have faced various health issues and serious injuries, with some losing their lives.

While the government's longstanding history of pressure and efforts to suppress teachers and activists persist over the past two decades, recent years have witnessed a significant surge in the detention of teachers and the imposition of severe prison sentences upon them.

For years, Iranian educators have been advocating for increased salaries and pensions, being among the lowest-paid segments of government employees. Additionally, they have voiced their opposition to the poisoning of schoolgirls, a crisis that emerged in Iran last year, impacting numerous educational institutions and affecting thousands of students.

Under all international laws, any country attacked by terrorists can defend itself legitimately, Ashtiani said, adding that “we can respond to threats from any country, anywhere.”

He claimed that the Islamic Republic had informed neighboring countries about anti-Iran threats before the recent IRGC attacks. If we see that our neighbors do not act to contain the threats, we will use our “legitimate right” and carry out operations, Ashtiani warned.

He stressed that despite the IRGC’s attacks, Iran respects all its neighbors and recognizes their territorial integrity.

On January 15 and 16, the IRGC attacked several positions in Iraq’ Kurdistan region, Syria and Pakistan in what it called was an attempt to target terrorists and Israeli agents. Pakistan retaliated by attacking locations in southeastern Iran early Thursday.

Iran’s Foreign Minister, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, has also defended the attacks, saying they were carried out “in line with combating terrorism and legitimate self-defense.”

“We have no reservations when it comes to securing our national interest with any other country,” he warned.

IRGC missiles hit a civilian house in Erbil belonging to Peshraw Dizayee, killing him and 4 members of his family. Dizayee was a business mogul and head of Falcon Investment Group. Following the raid, IRNA, the Iranian state news agency, accused Dizayee of collaborating with Israel.

In a statement issued on Friday, the Erbil Chamber of Commerce urged citizens and business owners in Iraq’ Kurdistan to boycott Iranian goods in protest to the Islamic Republic’s missile attack.

Reports suggest that authorities seized merchandise from stores, citing concerns related to smuggling and mandated that all items must be of exclusive Iranian origin, with no presence of recognizable foreign brands.

Social media users view the operation as another move by the clerical regime to tighten financial constraints on the public amid a severe budget deficit.

Iran is currently contending with a considerable infrastructure deficit amounting to $500 billion. The government's operating budget also faces a 50-percent deficit.

The economic challenges in Iran have deepened since the United States withdrew from the JCPOA nuclear accord in 2018 and imposed sanctions. However, the roots of Iran's economic struggles extend further, as the Islamic regime has failed to allocate its substantial oil export revenues towards adequate infrastructure and investments since the 1990s. Despite generating around $1.5 trillion from oil sales over the past two decades, the government now finds itself controlling over 80% of the economy and facing bankruptcy.

Constrained by US oil export sanctions, Iran sells crude at discounted rates to China, earning approximately $30 billion annually, with no significant revenues in hard currencies. The amount falls short of covering the government's annual budget, leaving no funds for essential long-term investments.

While some commentators in Iran, including certain regime politicians, attribute the current economic challenges to President Ebrahim Raisi's administration, this perspective often neglects the impact of the country's foreign policy, typically influenced by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

The interior ministry and the Guardian Council that vet candidates, have disqualified almost all so-called reformist and moderate candidates, paving the way for ultraconservatives to win a majority.

The left wing of reformist parties, including the Unity of Nation party, still insist that the restrictive policies of hardliners makes competition almost impossible. However, some conservatives, including Hamid-Reza Taraghi, a member of the Central Council of the conservative Islamic Coalition Party claims that reformists will present a full list of their candidates for the March 1 elections.

Like most regime politicians who have little if any idea of what a fair political competition means, Taraghi says that anyone or any group that seeks a share of political power is opposed to the formation of a strong parliament.

Nonetheless, his argument about reformists coming to the scene with full lists may carry some truth as Javad Heravi, the Spokesman for the Moderation and Development Party, which is close to former President Hassan Rouhani, told the press on Monday that the party will not venture into the elections without a full list of candidates. The party had announced earlier that it might nominate only 16 candidates for the 30 seats in Tehran as not enough of its members have been approved by the government to run for parliament.

Heravi added that there is no point in continuing consultations with the predominantly conservative supervisory institutions that vet the candidates. He said: "We had some 200 candidates but many of them have been disqualified and we have less than 100 candidates left." He added, "The ruling minority in Iran is saying very clearly that they do not want a high turnout in the elections."

He also said that his party might form a coalition with other likeminded groups to present a list of 30 candidates for Tehran and a full list for other constituencies. The Moderation and Development Party and another centrist party, the Executives of Construction, appear to be the only pro-reform parties that are keen to take part in the elections.

Meanwhile, Esmail Gerami-Moghaddam, the spokesman for the reformist National Trust Party stated that although many of its members had registered their candidacy, the number of those whose qualifications have been endorsed by the Guardian Council is so small that the party is not able to nominate any candidates in 90 percent of constituencies. He emphasized that nearly all of the candidates whose qualifications have been endorsed belong to conservative parties.

Meanwhile, conservative politician Amir-Reza Vaez-Ashtiani argued that "Reformists know they do not have grassroot support. Radicals among them, including jailed former Deputy Interior Minister Mostafa Tajzadeh, and reformist theoretician Saeed Hajjarian are now part of the opposition." However, he said, "Moderates are different. They still believe in the revolution [Islamic Republic]."

In another development, reformist politician Gholamreza Ansari said that the Unity of Nation has a voters' base and its members are active all over Iran, but its leaders have brought the reform camp on the verge of dissolution, hoping that in this way this party standing alone can win more votes from among reform-minded voters.

Despite the arguments on both sides, it is not clear if the reform camp is really divided, or it is the government and its conservative supporters who are trying to portray it as a divided group. What is clear is the seasonal nature of all political parties in Iran that are absent for almost three and half years and become active only during the parliamentary or presidential elections.

In a Saturday interview with Tasnim News Agency, Somayeh Golpour, the head of the Supreme Council of Workers' Guilds in Iran, emphasized that reports indicate a notable increase in migration, posing challenges to the country's workforce.

Golpour expressed her concern about the sluggish pace of replacing skilled workers and pointed out that, “paradoxically, even as investors show a preference for investing more in other countries, the replacement of the skilled workers remains slow within Iran.”

One significant factor contributing to the migration, according to Golpour, is the substantial disparity in minimum wages. She noted that when the minimum wage in destination countries reaches 250 to 300 million rials (500 to 600 USD), Iranian workers are drawn to migrate for better economic prospects.

Iranian workers are set to receive a government approved average salary increase of 20 percent starting in March, amid an annual inflation rate of around 50 percent.

The new minimum monthly wage has been set at 115 million Iranian rials or about 220 US dollars.

Attributing the migration phenomenon to low purchasing power, economic recession, reduced production, and liquidity issues in banks, Golpour identified them as key factors contributing to inflation in the country.