Debate: Iran's Football Team - National Pride Or Regime's Pawn?
Football, or soccer, stands as Iran's most beloved sport, captivating millions from local alleyways to international stadiums, and it has taken sharp political dimensions.
Football, or soccer, stands as Iran's most beloved sport, captivating millions from local alleyways to international stadiums, and it has taken sharp political dimensions.
Amidst growing tensions between the government and the populace, football has morphed into a battleground for ideological conflict. At the heart of the dispute lies the question: Is the team representing Iran truly the national team, or merely a tool of the regime? On both sides of the debate, myriad factions offer diverse perspectives. This strife is absent in less prominent sports like water polo, badminton, and skiing, where neither the government nor the people invest significant interest, rendering them immune to political exploitation.
The convergence of the "Women, Life, Freedom" movement with the 2022 World Cup in Qatar catapulted this struggle onto the streets, prompting some to rally behind opposing teams—some even cheered for the American team after Iran's defeat in their match. In this clash, several youths fell victim to the regime's brutality, like Mehran Sammmak in Bandar Anzali. Although the Asian Games in 2024 saw less street activism, the conflict rages on through social media and traditional channels.
Arguments from both camps:
“Regime’s Squad”
Those branding the existing team as the regime's squad cite several factors. Foremost is the regime's penchant for anti-meritocracy and ideological vetting, even in sports. Under the Islamist regime's totalitarian grip, no sphere of life remains immune to government intervention. The regime extends special privileges to footballers, including duty-free luxury imports and generous state-backed salaries. These perks serve as ideological carrots, motivating players to echo regime rhetoric, as exemplified by Qala Noui's post-match gratitude to divine intervention after a victory.
Furthermore, the regime's propaganda machine operates in overdrive within football, from orchestrated spectator attendance to grandiose declarations by top officials upon victory. The regime intertwines football successes with national achievements, glorifying players' meetings with high-ranking officials and showering them with accolades. The regime's obsession with celebrity status extends to football, positioning players as national icons.
Additionally, footballers face constant surveillance, with every word and action scrutinized. Their families are not spared from intimidation, reinforcing the regime's grip over players' public personas. Despite expectations of solidarity with the populace, footballers remain tethered to the regime's narrative, perpetuating its agenda regardless of match outcomes.
People expect a national team to be with them in their joys and sorrows, something the current football team fails to do in the view of many Iranians, who return the attitude by turning their backs to them.
National Team
Conversely, proponents of the team as the national squad offer a contrasting narrative. They argue that many players are European-based professionals selected on merit rather than political allegiance. While the regime may exploit players for propaganda, it does not define their allegiance. Some players have demonstrated dissent, supporting past protests like the 2009 Green Movement, indicating their independence from regime narratives.
However, the issue is not about a few players voicing solidarity with protesters, but the attitude of the team as a whole.
Victories by the team elicit national jubilation, transcending regime affiliations. Despite forced interactions with regime figures, players harbor no illusions about their roles as symbols of national pride. Their mandate is not to champion dissent but to represent the nation on the global stage.
The absence of comprehensive surveys complicates attributing public sentiment, or the exact attitudes of team members. Nonetheless, verifiable accounts underscore the chasm between regime control and public sentiment, demonstrating that both sentiments exist among the populace.
Ali Fekri stated that almost half of this figure is related to the oil and gas sector, with Russia leading other foreign investors with $2.7 billion in funds.
He went on to say that the attracted investment value during the last fiscal year, from March 2022 to 2023, was $4.2 billion. However, according to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), Iran attracted only $1.5 billion in foreign direct investment in 2022.
Fekri's claim about $10.6 billion in "foreign investment" came after he recently cited the figure of $9.2 billion in an interview with the semi-official Tasnim news agency on November 23, 2023.
He explained at the time that the figure doesn’t mean $9.2 billion foreign cash funds flowed into the country; rather, it is the amount of "approved investment projects and contracts by foreigners" since the start of the Raisi administration. In simpler terms, what he refers to as "attracted foreign investment" is indeed the value of contracts with foreigners.
Fekri also mentioned that during the last fiscal year ending March 21, 2023, Iran attracted $4.2 billion in foreign investment, about 170% more than the previous year. However, UNCTAD's statistics do not indicate any significant investment inflow to Iran during 2022 compared to 2021.
He did not elaborate on why his claimed "attracted investment value" increased from $9.2 billion to $10.6 billion since November 2023, especially considering that Iran has not announced any new contracts with foreigners in the last three months. He named Russia, China, UAE, and Turkey as the biggest "investors" in Iran since August 2021.
Russian 'Investment'
Regarding Russian "investment," his claim about attracting $2.7 billion in investment came while Russian companies have only sealed contracts to drill wells in seven Iranian oil fields. This represents service exports rather than investment contracts. For example, one of these companies, Russian ZN Vostok Ltd., is obligated to drill 20 wells and install 22 pumps in the Cheshme Khosh oil field. Its CEO, Azamat Faridovich Ismagilov, stated that the total value of contracts with Iran is $500 million, including $170 million for the Cheshme Khosh field.
It’s CEO, Azamat Faridovich Ismagilov said on February 6 that ZN Vostok’s total value of contracts with Iran is $500 million, including $170 million on Cheshme Khosh field. “We have three drilling rigs in Iran and have a plan to add another one for drilling 6 new wells”.
ZN Vostok signed the contract with Iran in April 2022 to develop the above-mentioned field. It has increased the field’s production by 29% to 62,000 barrels per day so far by drilling 14 wells.
Iran has a history of exaggerating cooperation levels with its "anti-western" partners like Russia and China, especially when good economic news becomes scarce and the national currency, rial, nosedives. Since the beginning of January the rial has lost more than 10 percent of its value against the US dollar and other major currencies.
For instance, while Iran proudly announced the signing of the "largest oil and gas agreements in the country's history worth $40 billion” with Russian Gazprom in 2022, Morteza Behruzifar, an energy expert in Tehran told the ILNA news website that even before the Western sanctions on Russia, it had not invested a penny in Iran.
Like most Russian companies, Gazprom is hardly in a position to invest in another country. Its revenues plunged to $3.1 billion in the first half of 2023, from $16.5 billion in 2022.
Although Gazprom plans to invest $17.5 billion in 2024, 20 percent less than 2023, none of its mentioned investment are related to Iran.
While this achievement should have brought joy to Iranians, it has, unfortunately, led to more division and discontent among the people. Many are deeply frustrated that the players appear to be promoting the regime's propaganda and using their social media platforms to also promote the upcoming fraudulent elections and offer their support to entities like the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Council (IRGC) or the IRI leader.
This situation highlights the growing tension and discontent within the country and emphasizes the need for Iranians to express their grievances through acts of civil disobedience, such as boycotting the team, to send a powerful message to the regime.
In the wake of the tragic death of Mahsa Amini at the hands of security forces in September 2022, a wave of protests swept across Iran, igniting the Woman-Life-Freedom movement.
This movement has been a driving force behind demonstrations, demanding justice and equality in Iran. Mahsa Amini's untimely death has become a symbol of the ongoing struggle for women's rights in the country.
As a revenge for the growing influence of the Woman-Life-Freedom movement and the widespread protests, a wave of executions began. These executions were carried out following hasty trials characterized by human rights organizations as deeply flawed and unjust. These victims stood up for human rights and freedom in Iran and paid a heavy price for their activism.
During the past year, the Woman-Life-Freedom movement in Iran has unleashed a wave of protests. A significant number of individuals who have been executed or are currently facing the threat of execution were arrested during street demonstrations.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights condemned the executions as "state murder." Detained activists were denied access to proper legal representation and subjected to torture, extracting confessions under duress. The oppressive tactics serve as a grim reminder of the Islamic government's relentless efforts to silence and intimidate those who dare to raise their voices against injustice. The regime's determination to carry out executions, often kept ambiguous until the last moment, serves to stifle both domestic and international reactions, making it crucial to draw global attention to this humanitarian crisis. The regime has resorted to executions as a scare tactic, creating an atmosphere of fear and terror to suppress any form of dissent.
It is essential to recognize the courage and sacrifice of these individuals who dared to advocate freedom and human rights in Iran. Their plight underscores the urgent need for global solidarity and action in support of human rights and justice in Iran as scores of others are in danger of execution.
Iran's prisons are overflowing with those who dare to dissent, facing terrible conditions and being denied basic human rights. Some have languished behind bars for decades while the regime demands exorbitant bail fees for their release, effectively bankrupting opposition movements. The regime further silences dissent by unjustly imprisoning individuals under bogus charges like "insulting the Prophet" or "spreading propaganda against national security." These unjust incarcerations not only rob individuals of their freedom but also strip away their dignity and fundamental rights.
One of the major obstacles in addressing the violations by Iran's oppressive regime is the support it receives from certain Western governments and institutions. Despite the Islamic regime's discriminatory policies and human rights abuses, some Western entities welcome its officials in various fields, from media to academia and even as advisors. This support raises a moral dilemma – can athletes continue playing under the guise of being "forced to play," thereby avoiding their national responsibility to protect human rights and their people's right to life?
The heart of the matter lies in the realm of morality. Every individual faces choices, especially in times of great historical significance. The philosopher Zygmunt Bauman reminds us that while our destiny may be to act in a particular historical moment not of our choosing, our personality determines our choices among the available options. The focus should not waver from the paramount issue at hand – morality. Are we willing to prioritize morality over politics and sports, relinquishing the comforts of everyday life to forge a meaningful human society, as Václav Havel advocates?
Critics argue that soccer players are merely trying to escape the responsibility of confronting political issues by pleading they are "forced to play." However, history provides a stark example – during the Nazi era, most top officials of the German Football Association did not believe in Nazi ideology but failed to resist the totalitarian regime. They unwittingly supported Hitler's regime and became complicit in its oppressive actions. The monetary loss incurred by not playing is a small price to pay when compared to the sacrifice required to free a nation from religious tyranny.
Championing the team of a regime regularly using violence only aids in perpetuating propaganda that portrays everything as normal. Playing under such circumstances is, in essence, a political act. It involves cooperating with the representatives of the Ministry of Intelligence and Security, participating in religious rituals, and receiving awards from individuals complicit in mass repression.
The Islamic regime of Iran operates as a gender apartheid regime, imposing strict segregation between boys and girls from birth and perpetuating gender-based discrimination throughout society. Women are systematically excluded from various aspects of public life, including participation in certain sports and access to sports stadiums. This gender-based discrimination extends to female athletes who face numerous restrictions and are often denied opportunities to compete at an international level.
The regime's oppressive policies not only infringe upon women's rights but also hinder the development of Iranian sports, as talented female athletes are denied the chance to showcase their skills on the world stage. Iranian women cannot leave the country without obtaining permission from their husbands or fathers. This further exemplifies the extent of gender-based discrimination and control imposed by the regime, highlighting the urgent need for Iranians to unite and engage in acts of civil disobedience to challenge these unjust practices.
Boycotting the regime's soccer team serves as a powerful statement against the totalitarian government. It signals that Iranians are willing to put morality first and confront a regime that infringes upon every aspect of their lives. Civil disobedience and mass protests are the keys to challenging the regime's existence, as it would hardly survive without the cooperation of the people.
International sanctions and isolation must be imposed to combat this brutal regime and hold it accountable. Iranians should boycott not only sports but also science, art, theater, music, and cinema produced or supported by the Islamic regime. This echoes the United Nations' call for artists and writers to boycott South Africa during the apartheid era.
Boycotting Iran's soccer team is a call for international recognition and support in isolating the oppressive regime. In the face of overwhelming odds, Iranians are determined to prepare for direct conflict, destabilize the regime, and raise the cost of its crimes. Drawing lessons from history and making ethical choices will free Iran from religious tyranny and create a more meaningful human society.
The opinions expressed by the author are not necessarily the views of Iran International