Hijab enforcers in the city of Rasht in northern Iran
Hardliners in Iran have seized on oblique remarks made by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei earlier this week as a green light to crack down on women who have shunned the hijab amid lax enforcement in recent years.
Speaking at a ceremony marking the anniversary of the 1979 US embassy takeover on Monday, Khamenei urged women to remind those around them to observe Islamic dress codes.
“Remind the women around you to view the hijab as a religious, Islamic, Zahra-like and Zeynab-like matter,” he said, referring to early Islamic matriarchs.
The word choice was careful and subtle, but more than enough for the intended audience.
Following the speech, Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei told prosecutors and citizens they “have a duty to carry out (the religious duty of) commanding good and forbidding evil,” promising full judicial backing for such actions.
Conservative voices quickly circulated Khamenei’s comments on social media, portraying them as permission to confront unveiled women.
“Does our dear Leader’s order mean anything but jihad of explanation and to command good? May those who claim he has compromised on Sharia and hijab be struck dumb!” one ultra-hardliner wrote on X.
Another posted: “Once again the Leader of the Ummah himself intervened, reminding us of the duty to enjoin hijab and forbid indecency—both in positive and preventive ways.”
Writer Mohammad Nikbakht interpreted the remarks as signaling a softer, bottom-up approach, arguing that Khamenei meant that hijab enforcement should start within families, “not through morality police, legislation, fines, or arrests.”
Rare intervention
Khamenei has rarely addressed hijab directly in the past year.
In April 2023, he accused foreign intelligence services of encouraging Iranian women to disobey the mandatory hijab and declared such defiance “religiously and politically haram.”
That statement spurred a short-lived official campaign to restore control after the Woman, Life, Freedom protests.
He did not revisit the issue publicly until now, and earlier this year appeared to sidestep an ultra-hardline lawmaker’s question about why the law had not been implemented.
Law stalled
Iran’s Parliament passed the “Hijab and Chastity Law” in September 2024, imposing sweeping new restrictions. But the Supreme National Security Council quietly suspended its enforcement amid fears of renewed unrest.
That decision was widely viewed as carrying Khamenei’s consent, but his latest remarks are now being read by hardliners as a cue to resume implementation.
A user named Seyyedeh lamented online: “How many people can we warn? How long can we walk the streets? Unveiling has spread everywhere like locusts. God, take our revenge on these traitorous, indifferent officials who have no honor!!”
Political rift, rising defiance
Officials fear that reviving morality patrols or tightening hijab rules amid economic hardship could reignite mass protests.
President Masoud Pezeshkian has said he cannot enforce the law and insists that only “dialogue” can persuade women—a stance conservatives blame for paralysis.
Senior Revolutionary Guards general Hassan-Nia rebuked him this week: “Dialogue won’t fix the problem. Firm action is required. If the Leader permits, we will tear the skin off their heads.”
Meanwhile, defiance keeps growing, even in religious cities such as Qom and Mashhad.
In Tehran, unveiled women now outnumber those covered in many neighborhoods, and social media is filled with scenes of mixed gatherings, music, dancing, and women in crop tops.
“Yes, we say there shouldn’t be excessive policing,” former conservative parliament deputy speaker Ali Motahari told Pezeshkian, “but who is supposed to stop a woman who walks around with her belly button exposed?”
Iran’s water industry officials warned on Saturday that rationing in Tehran began far too late, as the capital’s water situation deteriorates rapidly amid one of its driest periods in nearly fifty years.
The city’s water resources are in exponential decline, Reza Haji-Karim, head of Iran’s Water Industry Federation, told the website Didban Iran.
“Water rationing should have started much earlier. Right now, 62 percent of Tehran’s water comes from underground sources, and the level of these aquifers has dropped sharply.”
The crisis, he said, is the result of years of neglecting scientific warnings about groundwater depletion and climate change.
“The only way to save Tehran is through a chain of measures – from wastewater recycling and consumption reform to cutting agricultural water use,” he added.
Unannounced rationing begins
Residents of Tehran have reported repeated overnight water cuts in several districts in recent days. The Tehran Water and Wastewater Company said the outages are intended to refill storage tanks and prevent the city’s distribution network from collapsing.
Local media outlets reported that nightly rationing has already started in parts of the capital and now continues until early morning hours.
The government may be forced to reduce water pressure to almost zero at night when demand is low, Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi said Saturday, urging households to install storage tanks.
"Pipeline infrastructure in our country is more than 100 years old; the pipes have become worn out, and some of them were also damaged during the 12-day war" with Israel in June, the minister said.
Presidential warning and vanishing reserves
President Masoud Pezeshkian warned on Thursday that if rainfall does not resume by the end of autumn, Tehran will face water rationing, adding, “If it still doesn’t rain, we will have no water and will have to evacuate the city.”
The Tehran Regional Water Company has said that the capital’s five major dams are now only 11 percent full.
Ali Shariat, secretary-general of the Water Industry Federation, blamed the deepening crisis on “mismanagement and fragmented decisions in agriculture and industry.”
“My honest advice to the public is to take the president’s words very seriously. He has told the truth – bitter but undeniable,” he added.
“Continued inaction may lead to forced migration from Tehran,” Shariat added.
Dams near collapse
A video posted on social media on Thursday showed the dry bed of the Latian Dam near Tehran, whose manager said only half of its remaining 10 percent capacity can be used. Officials in neighboring Alborz province reported that the Karaj Dam is now more than 90 percent empty, with only seven percent of its reservoir remaining.
Tehran, home to nearly nine million people, depends on five dams – all reporting sharp declines.
The Laar and Mamloo reservoirs are at 1% and 7% capacity respectively, while only Taleghan remains above one-third.
This comes as the meteorological organization forecasts no significant rainfall for the rest of November.
Tehran is experiencing one of the driest periods in the past 50 years, according to the energy ministry. If current trends persist, officials warn, the city may run out of drinkable water within weeks.
Unveiled women were allowed to attend a Tehran ceremony on Friday where authorities showcased a new statue of pre-Islamic king Shapur I, in what seems to be part of the government’s turn to nationalism to rally support after June's war with Israel.
The event, titled “You Will Kneel Before Iranians Again,” was attended by government officials and supporters, many of whom appeared in diverse styles of dress, including without the mandatory Islamic head covering.
Images shared on social media showed no sign of the strict dress enforcement typically seen in public spaces.
The relaxed atmosphere contrasted sharply with the intensified street enforcement of hijab laws. In recent weeks, authorities have resumed arrests, public warnings, and the closure of businesses such as cafes and restaurants for noncompliance with compulsory dress codes.
In previous years, the government has relaxed hijab enforcement at certain high-profile state events – such as Guards Quds Force Commander Qassem Soleimani’s funeral or major state-organized marches – to project a more moderate image while maintaining repressive controls in daily life.
Contradictions in official behavior
Two days before the ceremony, Asadollah Jafari, the judiciary chief of Isfahan province, called unveiling “a disruptive act” and urged judicial officers to intervene.
“Some individuals, by engaging in and openly displaying norm-breaking behavior, offend public decency. Since these individuals commit an act that violates the law, their actions constitute an evident crime, and judicial officers must carry out their legal duty,” he said.
Iranian women walk past an anti-US mural on a street in Tehran, Iran, October 14, 2025.
Hossein Shariatmadari, the Supreme Leader’s representative and editor-in-chief of Kayhan newspaper, has been one of the most outspoken voices against easing hijab enforcement.
In an editorial on November 1, he wrote that the spread of unveiled women had reached “a worrying level” and described the trend as “a home-wrecking and decency-destroying phenomenon.”
“What is deeply concerning is that some who speak about confronting semi-nudity make no mention of banning unveiling – as if unveiling itself has ceased to be forbidden by religion, law, or humanity, and one must only be careful that it does not turn into full nudity.”
Meanwhile, numerous reports have emerged of business closures over hijab violations in recent weeks, with police insisting that all public venues must enforce dress codes or face shutdown.
The sight of unveiled women at a government celebration in Tehran, while morality patrols reappear across the country, has highlighted the Islamic Republic’s double standard – using selective leniency in public displays even as everyday enforcement grows harsher.
Reports that YouTube access had been restored for students at the University of Tehran while it remains blocked for the wider population, though denied swiftly by officials, triggered outrage among critics of Iran's censorship of the internet.
The report appeared first on university channels and student groups, claiming that Iran's flagship institution of higher education had lifted the YouTube ban on its internal network, allowing direct access for "educational and research purposes."
Iran's communications regulator denied any formal directive or even plans for such move. But critics were unconvinced, not least because of Tehran's long record of quiet, selective exemptions.
Many activists, technologists and legal experts pointed out that the idea of selective access reinforces inequality by creating digital privilege for a small, already advantaged group.
Prominent jurist Mohsen Borhani described the concept as “a combination of internet apartheid and a control system.”
“Such class-based privileges gradually serve to justify the actions of anti-freedom controllers and their so-called councils,” he wrote on X.
Meshkat Asadi, CEO of the New Businesses Group, echoed the concern: “Allocating a higher level of access while the rest of society does not have it constitutes a form of class-based internet.”
Obstacles to digital freedom
For nearly two decades, initiatives such as “emergency internet for businesses” and “journalists’ internet,” along with unrestricted SIM cards for foreign tourists, have entrenched a divide in access based on occupation or status.
Such decisions are made by Iran’s Supreme Cyber-Space Council (SCC), formally chaired by President Masoud Pezeshkian but dominated by appointees of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and conservative bodies including the Revolutionary Guards and the Organization for Islamic Propagation.
This entrenched structure is widely seen as the key obstacle to any meaningful policy shift.
Abdolhossein Firouzabadi, the council’s former secretary said last week that at least ten members strongly oppose lifting major filters.
“The council’s composition should be reconsidered if we want to see real change in the country’s digital landscape,” he told moderate news-site Entekhab.
‘Fragmenting the nation’
Advocates of free access argue that those benefiting from such a system become complicit in the injustice imposed on the wider population.
“The authorities are fragmenting the nation into smaller and weaker groups in order to resist the collective will of the people,” Saeed Soozangar told tech outlet Zoomit.
Cybersecurity expert Vahid Farid told Zoomit that authorities appear to be considering limited openings to reduce the “growing damages caused by filtering,” even as they avoid a full reversal of the nationwide ban.
‘The right to learn’
Many also stress YouTube’s everyday educational value far beyond campuses.
“Someone may not have the opportunity to attend university, but they can learn through YouTube,” Pouya Pirhosseinlou of the Iranian E-Commerce Association pointed out on X. “When access to this resource is blocked, it effectively says: ‘You do not have the right to learn.’”
Legal advocacy group Dadban added that restricting online access endangers rights ranging from education to healthcare, employment, and a dignified life.
Internet-freedom collective Filterban asked: “If YouTube is safe and useful, why is it only good for a few universities? If it’s dangerous, why is it harmless for students but dangerous for ordinary people?
“ This isn’t reforming the filtering system,” the advocacy group said on X, “it’s the reproduction of discrimination in the digital age.”
Water rationing has quietly begun in Tehran, with several neighborhoods facing nightly supply cuts without official announcement or public warning, Iranian media reported on Saturday.
Residents say water has been shut off from midnight until around 5 a.m. in recent nights.
“Despite repeated denials by officials, it appears the process of rationing has started” and citizens in parts of the capital “are deprived of water during the night,” Mizan News Agency, affiliated with the judiciary, wrote.
The daily Haft-e Sobh likewise reported sudden five-to-six-hour overnight cuts in drinking water across several districts, all without prior notice.
Reduced pressure across the city, the paper said, and declining surface and groundwater reserves had led to “serious instability” in Tehran’s water network.
The outages have lasted long enough to affect even households with backup storage tanks, according to the report.
Rising frustration
Haft-e Sobh quoted residents as saying the sudden shutdowns disrupted daily life. “When the water is cut off at night, we don’t know when it will return, so we can’t plan our use. Even tanks empty quickly,” one resident said.
President Masoud Pezeshkian warned on November 6 that if rain does not arrive by December, water will have to be rationed across Tehran, adding that prolonged drought could even force evacuation of the city.
The head of Tehran’s provincial water company recently described the capital’s situation as “red and concerning.”
Health and cost concerns
Unannounced rationing, Haft-e Sobh warned, could hinder hygiene and household routines dependent on steady water access. Unreliable supply may increase health risks in residential buildings and impose higher costs on families forced to rely on water tanks or delivery services, it added.
Meteorological data show 20 provinces have gone more than six weeks without measurable rainfall.
No precipitation has fallen in Tehran since the start of autumn, Mohammadreza Kavianpour, head of Iran’s Water Research Institute, said on Thursday warning that forecasts show the drought is likely to persist through the season.
“The risk of water scarcity in the capital must be taken very seriously,” Kavianpour said.
Tehran’s supply depends heavily on the Karaj Dam, whose remaining reserves are sufficient for only two weeks of drinking water.
Environmental experts say years of over-extraction, unscientific dam-building and poor management have pushed the country toward what some describe as “water bankruptcy.”
Iran’s latest attempt to curb soaring food prices—delegating the distribution of staple goods in Tehran to the city’s municipality—has again exposed a deeper truth about the country’s economic crisis: quick fixes rarely work when the foundations are broken.
The proposal, reported Thursday by the IRGC-linked daily Javan, would put Mayor Alireza Zakani in charge of supplying essential goods to households in the capital.
Zakani claims the plan, approved by President Masoud Pezeshkian, could reduce prices by up to 40 percent. Residents quoted by Javan said municipal-run markets already sell cheaper goods than elsewhere in the city.
But even at face value, the initiative seems to be yet another reactive measure in a system afflicted by deep structural problems. The question is less whether this plan can work and more why such plans keep reappearing.
Moderate outlet Fararu this week laid out the structural flaws driving Iran’s crisis: contradictory decision-making by overlapping institutions, a budget tied to unstable oil revenues, and an absence of dependable data that leaves officials governing by instinct rather than information.
Economic policy, the outlet said, is shaped by ministries, the Central Bank, the Planning and Budget Organization, and an array of parallel bodies that often work at cross-purposes.
“Most economic decisions in Iran are made overnight,” it wrote, warning that real change requires slow, coordinated reform across government—something the Islamic Republic has resisted for decades.
‘Bipolar economy’
The centrist daily Sazandegi pointed to another symptom of this dysfunction: chaotic decision-making that thrives in the grey zones created by sanctions.
The paper highlighted the clash between hardline MP Amir Hossein Sabeti and Babak Zanjani—the ‘sanctions-fixer’ once sentenced to death but pardoned and now tapped again to recover Iran’s oil revenues.
“Iran’s economy exists in a bipolar state,” Sazandegi wrote, “caught between a revolutionary pursuit of social justice that resists globalization and a rentier capitalism that thrives on sanctions.”
The public spat between two privileged insiders, Sazandegi argued, is evidence of an economy pulled between ideological theatrics and rent-seeking networks—a system that’s neither competitive nor transparent.
Bleak outlook
Despite their scathing critiques, both outlets chose to not mention the elephant in the room—as is almost always the case in Iran: a foreign policy that has produced decades of isolation and tightening sanctions.
With the return of UN sanctions in late September—and Tehran’s continued combative stance—the situation is likely to deteriorate further before any improvement is possible.
Seen through that lens, Zakani’s food-distribution proposal is less a solution than another reflex: an attempt to patch symptoms without addressing the machinery underneath.