Iran’s rial continued to weaken on Monday afternoon in a sign of flagging confidence in the country's troubled economy, with the US dollar trading at an all-time high above 1.19 million rials according to local exchange-rate websites.
The rise outstrips a previous record of 1.17 million hit on September 30 after European states moved to reimpose UN sanctions on Iran over its disputed nuclear program, further constraining its trade opportunities.
By Monday afternoon, the dollar was trading at just over 1.19 million rials, the Euro about 1.38 million and the UK Pound near 1.57 million.
Local exchange-rate websites also showed the Emami gold coin — Iran’s most traded benchmark coin used by households and investors as a store of value — hitting a fresh record above 1.26 billion rials, extending a sharp rise that began over the weekend.
The latest slide in the rial comes amid soaring inflation, renewed volatility in Iran’s unofficial markets and continued uncertainty over stalled nuclear talks with the United States.
The US dollar, which traded at about 140,000 rials in 2018, has risen roughly eight-fold since Donald Trump restored US sanctions on Iran seven years ago.
Britain, France and Germany triggered the so-called snapback mechanism to restore UN sanction under Security Council Resolution 2231, citing Iran's failure to comply with its nuclear obligations.
The move restored UN penalties previously suspended under the resolution, tightening external constraints on Iran’s economy. Tehran denies seeking a nuclear weapon and accuses the United States and European countries of economic warfare.
On Monday, local media reported that alongside fading hopes for reviving nuclear talks, rising gasoline prices have also contributed to turbulence in Iran’s currency and gold markets.
After months of debate, the government formally introduced a three-tier gasoline pricing system, with the third rate set to take effect at 50,000 rials on December 6.
Nasir Abedi, the former administrative and financial deputy of IIDO's Tehran office, had been convicted of rape and sexual abuse of one daughter and assault against another, according to the source who requested anonymity for fear of retaliation.
Abedi, the source said, repeatedly assaulted one girl before she turned twelve, adding that a forensic examiner confirmed rape and the court upheld the findings.
But senior figures, the source added, intervened in the judicial process as the case progressed.
The charge relating to the second child was removed from the final verdict following internal pressure, leaving only one count of rape. The sentence of flogging “was never carried out because of outside interference,” the source told Iran International.
The organization, according to the source, also acted to block any public disclosures once details of the case circulated internally.
Potential death sentences
Under Iranian criminal law, sexual relations with close relatives constitute one of the gravest offenses, carrying a potential death sentence if penetration is legally established.
While cases involving coercion against children can result in capital punishment or other severe penalties, proceedings within family structures are often influenced by pressure from political, clerical or security institutions.
The timing of the revelations coincides with the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, drawing renewed attention to domestic and sexual violence in Iran.
Advocacy groups and survivors have long argued that opaque judicial processes allow politically connected offenders to evade serious consequences.
Past cases echo similar pressures
The Islamic Republic has faced earlier allegations of interference in sexual-abuse cases involving figures.
A former provincial Islamic guidance official, Reza Seghati, received only a flogging sentence after a court classified his same-sex encounter in 2023 as “incomplete,” a decision critics said reflected extra-judicial pressure.
Another notable case involved Saeed Toosi, a prominent Qur’an reciter linked to the Supreme Leader’s office, whose accusers said judicial proceedings collapsed under political influence.
Abedi previously held positions in other religious foundations, including the Ghadir International Foundation, and in public statements had described the IIDO as an institution “serving Islam” and “affiliated with the leader.”
The organization identifies the promotion of what it calls “pure Islam” as its mandate and plays a central role in enforcing the compulsory hijab and state-endorsed social norms.
Transparency concerns
Although many sexual-violence cases in Iran remain confidential, available reports suggest incidents involving women and children have risen in recent years.
Activists say survivors often lack safe reporting channels and face family pressure and social stigma, while state bodies have at times prioritized institutional reputation over accountability.
The latest allegations highlight the structural obstacles confronting survivors who seek justice and the enduring role of secrecy in shielding powerful offenders.
Patients in Mashhad said rations shrank from two months to one week before stocks of the drug (mycophenolic acid 360 mg) “fell to zero,” with pharmacists advising a move to domestically made equivalents, the ILNA news agency reported.
Fatemeh Pour-Rezagholi, secretary of Iran’s Kidney Transplant Scientific Association, said originator-brand supplies have not been distributed recently, citing foreign-exchange constraints, sanctions-related frictions and customs delays.
She added that Iranian versions are available and effective for most patients, but unplanned brand changes can be stressful or risky for those early post-transplant or with prior rejection. Importers have indicated the original brand may return later in winter, according to ILNA.
Doctors and pharmacists told ILNA that 70-80% of recipients tolerate domestic formulations, but roughly 10-20% may require a specific brand or closer therapeutic-drug monitoring.
Patient groups and clinicians are urging clearer import timetables, steadier FX allocation for critical transplant drugs and contingency guidance to minimize unplanned switches.
Clinicians say the fiscal and human costs are far higher if grafts fail and patients return to dialysis, and have asked regulators to protect a baseline of imports for high-risk cases while stabilizing domestic supply for the majority.
US sanctions policy formally exempts most medicines and many medical devices, with humanitarian channels – such as Switzerland’s state-backed payment mechanism – designed to process vetted transactions.
In practice, suppliers and aid groups say persistent “over-compliance” by global banks, shippers and insurers fearful of sanctions risk, which can delay or block payments, shipments and insurance even for lawful medical goods.
Economists also point to the rial’s volatility and domestic pricing and procurement rules as recurring hurdles that raise import costs and complicate supply planning.
According to Mehr News on Monday, Iran has raised medicine prices several times in recent months under a “realistic pricing” policy meant to support the domestic pharmaceutical industry, but insurance coverage has not kept pace – leaving patients to shoulder a growing share of drug costs as reimbursements lag behind the hikes.