IRGC Spy Ship, Quds Force Man Involved In Seizure Of Cargo Vessel In Red Sea

Condemning the strikes, Baghdad said Wednesday that the operation was not coordinated with authorities. The Iraqi government labeled the US attacks "a clear violation of sovereignty and an attempt to disrupt the stable internal security situation," while also noting attacks by armed groups went against Iraq's national interest.

The US has carried out two series of strikes in Iraq since Tuesday, a response to more than 60 attacks by Iran-linked militias in the region. The US had previously undertaken three separate sets of strikes in Syria in response to the attacks, which began on October 17 by Iraqi militia groups in reaction to Israel’s bombardment of Gaza following October 7 bloody invasion of Israel by Iran-backed Palestinian militant group Hamas.

The recent strikes destroyed a Kataib Hezbollah operations center and a command and control node. This marks a departure from the US's previous reluctance to retaliate in Iraq due to the delicate political situation in Baghdad, where they sought closer cooperation.

Kataib Hezbollah, based in Jurf al-Sakhar south of Baghdad, confirmed the death of eight of its members in the airstrikes and issued a threatening statement, warning of more attacks on a broader range of targets if US strikes persist.

The airstrikes have resurfaced the challenges faced by Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani in controlling Iran-backed factions. These factions played a crucial role in securing his support to win power a year ago and now constitute a powerful bloc in his governing coalition. The diverse views among these factions regarding actions against US forces further complicate the situation.

"The Israeli heavy defeat will not be compensated by these bombings; such bombardment campaigns will only shorten the life of the occupying regime; [and] this tyranny and cruelty will not go unanswered," he said, referring to the relentless retaliatory attacks launched by Israel in the wake of the Hamas invasion of Israel on October 7. It was the single most deadly day for Jews since the Holocaust, 1,200 mostly civilians brutally murdered, leading to Israel vowing to destroy the proscribed terror group.

In spite of denials of involvement in the Hamas invasion, Khamenei celebrated the day now branded Black Sabbath in Israel with women, elderly and children slaughtered, and 240 taken hostage.

"The Zionist regime was knocked out in Al-Aqsa Storm," he boasted, Iran having a long history of backing its biggest Palestinian proxy, Hamas.

He also commended Iranian athletes who expressed solidarity with Palestine by withdrawing from competitions against Israeli athletes in Hangzhou’s international sports tournament. Khamenei highlighted the significance of their actions in the wake of Israel's actions in Gaza.

While there is no legislation explicitly banning Iranian athletes from competing against Israelis, pressure from federation officials often leads to intentional losses, match forfeitures, or claims of injury.

The Supreme Leader has consistently praised Iranian athletes who refuse to compete against Israelis. In September 2021, Khamenei encouraged them to persist in their boycotts, even in the face of potential punishment by international sports bodies.

Approximately 30 Iranian athletes have defected from national teams in a range of sports in recent years, seeking asylum in other countries.

Baqerinia, known for his outspoken criticism of the government, was expelled and banned from teaching following his dissent during the 2022 uprising in Iran.

In a video message, Baqerinia directly addressed the Supreme Leader, advocating for a shift away from repression and toward democratic change. "Instead of repression, hold a referendum," he urged.

The expelled professor questioned Khamenei's stance, asking, "Why should you be indifferent to the lives lost and blinded eyes?", referring to the scores of protesters blinded by security forces and more than 500 killed in brutal suppression in the wake of 2022's Women, Life, Freedom protests. 

Hakim Sabzevari University, which took action against Baqerinia in February, accused him of attempting to “influence public opinion and students by disseminating various messages that had a tangible impact on unlawful student gatherings.” It is part of an almost two-decades-long purge being seen across the country as the regime tries to oust dissent and replace academics with pro-regime voices. 

In August, Etemad newspaper released a list of 157 professors who have been expelled, forcibly retired, or suspended from teaching for actions which took place between September 2021 and August 2023, aligning with the beginning of President Ebrahim Raisi's government.

Recalling the Supreme Leader's statement from the previous year regarding individuals engaged in street protests, Baqerinia emphasized the need for understanding rather than collective punishment.

One notable individual is heavyweight traditional conservative Mohammad Reza Bahonar, whose candidacy in the elections can change Iran's domestic political landscape, at least for the next four months.

While the first round of disqualifications by the interior ministry ensures a reformist-free election, the presence of a seasoned conservative politician with strong credentials, connections to Supreme leader Ali Khamenei, and a background as a seven-term member of parliament and powerful deputy speaker, signals possible trouble for the hardliner camp.

Bahonar’s candidacy could sow discord and chaos among the ultraconservatives whom President Ebrahim Raisi hopes to send to the next parliament to ensure another easy four years for him as the President. Raisi's big man to lead his list of candidates is hardline cleric Morteza Aqa Tehrani, the former Imam of the Iranian mosque in New York and the former leader of ultraconservative Paydari Party.

However, there are others who aspire to send their representatives, including a few women, to the parliament. Incumbent parliamentary Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf is among those with such intentions. He aims to dispatch a team of technocrats to the Majles, leading as a candidate himself.

As if the competition wasn't challenging enough for Raisi and Ghalibaf, Mohammad Reza Bahonar has entered the scene—a political leader who oversees at least two major conservative groups: The Islamic Association of Engineers and the Front of Followers of Khomeini and Khamenei, showcasing clear signs of influence over both organizations. His entourage destined for the next parliament comprises a cadre of traditional pragmatist conservatives.

A Tehran-based website has described the situation as "a blessing in disguise for Ghalibaf." Unable to compete with Raisi and Aqa Tehrani's ultraconservative thugs, Qalibaf can ensure a better standing for himself only if he can convince Bahonar to join hands with him and his neo-cons. That is what Ghalibaf likes to call his team a fashionable term which also suggests a more modern outlook.

Khabar Online went on to portray the state of Iran's upcoming parliamentary elections in the Tehran Bazaar's slang as "transitioning from a private joint-stock to a public joint-stock company."

However, this description cautiously sidestepped two key considerations. First, since 2005, it has been Supreme Leader Khamenei and the surrounding civilian and military circle, not the voters, who have determined the outcome of every election in Iran. Second, there is a broad consensus among various political figures that not only will this be a low-turnout election, but the current government and the controlling ultraconservatives are not inclined toward a high-turnout election.

As the leader of centrist Executives of Construction Party Hossein Marashi said in his party's mouthpiece, Sazandegi newspaper last week that "the government's strategy about the elections has changed from one of maximum political participation to limited participation with predetermined results." Marashi put it rather bluntly. "This is not a competition between reformists and conservatives. It is an election to choose either Raisi or Ghalibaf."

Even before Bahonar's entry the rivalry between the Iranian President and Parliamentary Speaker was said to be fierce. As Raisi is beginning to perceive a possible alliance between Bahonar and Ghalibaf as an unexpected threat, his reaction can come as a surprise.

As reported by the Nournews agency affiliated with Iran's top security body on Wednesday, the purpose of the visit is aligned with Iran's endeavors to halt Israel's retaliatory attacks on Gaza, lift the blockade, and provide humanitarian aid to Gaza.

The temporary cessation of hostilities between Israel and Hamas aims to facilitate the release of 50 of the 240 hostages being held in Gaza, in exchange for 150 Palestinians imprisoned in Israel, along with the entry of humanitarian aid into the besieged enclave.

Lebanese media outlets have indicated that Amir-Abdollahian is anticipated to engage in discussions with key Lebanese figures, including Nabih Berri, the Speaker of Parliament, Najib Mikati, the Prime Minister, Hassan Nasrallah, the Secretary-General of Hezbollah, and several other Lebanese and Palestinian political leaders.

In an interview with Iran International, Lebanese journalist Tony Boulos suggested that Amir-Abdollahian's swift return follows the developments in the negotiations for a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip. According to Boulos, the Iranian Foreign Minister's visit to Lebanon aims to align directives with recent developments, particularly considering his consistent representation of Lebanon in diplomatic matters.

Amidst ongoing questions about the fate of the Lebanese front, there is speculation about whether the southern part of the country will also experience a ceasefire or if operations and engagements will persist.

Iranian officials have consistently denied involvement in the terror attack by its Palestinian proxy, despite government praise for the Hamas invasion on October 7 and immediate orders for street celebrations, with large banners erected within hours.