Cellmate Demands Probe Into Iranian Rapper’s Mock Execution

He told a group of Iranian moderates including his aides in the previous government on November 20, "This round of the Assembly of Experts election, which is to be held on March 1…, is more important than the previous elections." The Assembly has the constitutional task to select the next Supreme Leader. 

Using the mildest language to evade Khamenei’s and his hardliner supporters' anger, Rouhani said, "May the Supreme Leader live long, but as the time passes, the day we would never want to come is more likely to arrive and the Assembly of Experts has to decide on the naming of the next Supreme Leader."

Rouhani added that he had his doubts about whether to register his candidacy for the Assembly of Experts election and that he finally decided to run hoping that he can make an impact on the Assembly's choice in the event of Khamenei's death.

Over the past weeks, when Rouhani revealed that he was a candidate and particularly after the official announcement about the endorsement of his credentials, many conservative media and politicians expressed their opposition to his candidacy although he already is an incumbent member of the assembly. Earlier, a state TV presenter asked the Guardian Council on live television to disqualify him.

Rouhani said at the meeting with his aides that the state TV is at its lowest point in terms of popularity and people's trust.

He said he is well familiar with the hardliners who are currently in control of the government and parliament, adding they would do anything to make sure that he cannot run. However, he insisted that he would encourage everyone to take part in the elections.

Many in the reformist and moderate camp consider Rouhani as one of the three potential candidates for the Supreme Leader, along with President Ebrahim Raisi and Khamenei's son Mojtaba.

Although Iran's reformist and moderates may not like it, but under the current circumstances Rouhani is the least likely winner in this imaginary contest. He is the least popular member of the hardliner dominated Assembly of Experts. From this perspective, Raisi has a better chance to be the Islamic Republic's next leader. In fact, thanks to his naivety, he could be the ideal supreme leader for a country to be run by a powerful and ambitious entity such as the IRGC.

In an alternative scenario, suggested by some Iranian analysts, Raisi is considered the most suitable candidate to succeed former Guardian Council Secretary Ahmad Jannati at this point. This move could strategically position Raisi to carry out Khamenei's directives effectively and potentially pave the way for the ascension of Khamenei's son, Mojtaba, to power.

In recent years, Khamenei has been grooming Mojtaba for the post. Mojtaba has been teaching a much-advertised high profile advanced course at the seminary in Qom and the state TV frequently referred to his seminary credentials. The Supreme Leader should be a learned Imam according to the regime’s ideology.

Some say even Rouhani could be a player in helping Mojtaba. He said recently that the next Supreme Leader need not need be a Mojtahid (a cleric high ranking enough to confer his own religious decrees). Of course, he could expect a reward for playing the part. A reward such as a guaranteed high-ranking position to keep for life. A position in which he could distribute power and money and exercise his influence on the political apparatus without causing any nuisance for the next leader.

Unlike countries such as Saudi Arabia and Jordan, Iran lacks an official position like that of a crown prince designated as the official heir to the current Supreme Leader. This raises concerns about the country's stability, particularly in the immediate aftermath of what Rouhani referred to as "The day we would never want to come."

Ezzatollah Zarghami disclosed that “a budget of 15,000 billion rials (equivalent to 30 million USD) was earmarked for the development of the cultural heritage ministry, with a portion specifically designated for the restoration of historical and cultural monuments. However, due to the challenges faced by the country, the budget has not been disbursed to the ministry.”

The minister did not elaborate on the nature of the challenges but expressed hope that the funds would be provided later.

The situation is exacerbated by a broader historical trend since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, which has seen a nonchalant approach towards pre-Islamic relics. Despite Iran's profound historical legacy, the present regime has not fully embraced its rich heritage, even though the country once presided over the world's largest empire.

Previous instances, such as the announcement in September 2020 by then Minister Ali Asghar Mounesan of a meager annual budget of 50 million rials (approximately 100 USD) for the management of Persepolis, reflect a systemic issue in adequately allocating funds for the preservation of cultural treasures.

Despite warnings from cultural heritage experts, the inauguration of the Chamshir Dam in the Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province on July 17 proceeded. Archaeologists predict that the impoundment of the dam will result in the loss of at least 140 historical monuments in the region, underscoring the destructive consequences of inadequate attention and funding for Iran's cultural heritage.

In May, the government announced plans to auction off some of the country's most treasured sites including Rayen Castle as the country's heritage risks disappearing amidst a government more concerned with its nuclear and military might than its ancient history. 

The Hengaw Human Rights Organization claims regime authorities refused permission for his body to be transferred to the Muslim cemetery of Malayer, and after his burial in the Armenian cemetery of Hamadan, they poured concrete over his grave.

The burial ceremony, held on Saturday, took place under stringent security measures, with only a few family members in attendance.

On Sunday, the Iranian Human Rights Organization announced that Afsaneh Zohrevand, Milad's mother, was detained during her son's funeral on charges of "disturbing the peace."

Twitter account Dadban also reported on Sunday that Milad Zohrevand's father, Rouhollah, was arrested after the burial ceremony and transferred to prison. As of now, the reasons for his arrest and his current status have not been disclosed.

Milad Zohrevand had been sentenced to death in connection with trumped up charges of "killing" of an IRGC officer named Ali Nazari during the Woman Life Freedom protests in which more than 500 civilians were brutally murdered

Amnesty International has condemned Zohrevand's execution, the eighth related to the 2022 protests sparked by the death in morality police custody of Mahsa Amini, calling it a systematic use of extrajudicial executions by the Islamic Republic as a tool of suppression.

Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Mohammadi, currently serving time in Evin prison, said, "These executions are a source of shame for the oppressive and repressive government and will make protests more intense over time."

Zohrevand was executed on Thursday in the Malayer prison located in the western province of Hamedan, arrested at the peak of the protests last October. The Hengaw Human Rights Organization revealed that Zohrevand was secretly executed, and his family was denied the opportunity to bid him a final farewell. Zohrevand himself was not notified of his impending execution.

In her Instagram post, Mohammadi wrote of the rising numbers of executions taking place in Iran. "The eighth protester of the "Women, Life, Freedom" movement, Milad Zohrehvand, was executed, and the next day a 17-year-old child was hanged elsewhere. Some time ago, another political prisoner named Qasem Abtahi was executed in Qezelhesar prison," she wrote, referring to a prisoner who was charged while a minor. 

"The execution machine has accelerated across the country, conveying the message of the oppressive Islamic Republic to society: the continuation of massacre and execution. I do not consider it anything other than the "war" of the government with all its tools of suppression and death against the oppressed, protesting, and defenseless people of Iran," she added.

According to the United Nations, Iran has killed at least 419 people in the first seven months of the year, a 30% increase from the same period in 2022. The report claimed 239 people — more than half of those executed in the seven-month period — were reportedly put to death for drug-related offenses, a 98% increase from the same period last year.

The 21-year-old, who became a father while in prison, was reportedly not granted the chance to see his newborn child before his execution. In June, he was sentenced to death for the alleged "murder" of an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) officer named Ali Nazari during the nationwide uprising sparked by the death in morality police custody of Mahsa Amini. Over 500 protesters were killed by security forces and thousands more arrested. 

Customs statistics reveal a notable increase in the export of Iranian dairy products during the first seven months of this year compared to the same period last year. While this initially appears as positive news, the underlying reality paints a more complex picture.

Contrary to a surge in production, the surge in dairy exports is attributed to a surplus of raw milk. The primary driver behind the surplus, however, is not an excessive production beyond consumption needs but rather a significant decline in the purchasing power of the Iranian people, for whom dairy products are becoming increasingly out of reach.

Reza Bakeri, the secretary of the Iranian Dairy Processing Industries Association, commented on the development, noting that “the per capita consumption of dairy products in Iranian society has dwindled due to the diminished purchasing power of the population, resulting in a surplus of raw milk.”

Adding to the economic woes, the inflation rate in the past Iranian month reached its highest point in two years. The government, grappling with substantial budget deficits, has resorted to printing more money, exacerbating the challenges faced by the Iranian economy.

The trend began last year, when Iran’s health ministry announced that the average consumption of milk and dairy products had decreased about 30 percent in the last two years due to rising food prices and inflation.

Despite having the biggest dairy products factory in the Middle East, Iran has a per capita consumption of about 60 to 80 kilograms a year, that is about half of the global average.

The Iranian currency has experienced a significant devaluation, losing its value by 12-fold since 2018, a period marked by the US withdrawal from the JCPOA nuclear accord and the imposition of sanctions.