Tehran Court Upholds Five-Year Sentence For Political Activist

The incident comes amidst a backdrop of heightened tensions following the uprising of the Iranian people in 2022. The Islamic Republic's repressive policies, particularly targeting various segments of society, notably women, have escalated. Businesses that resist compulsory hijab policies often find themselves facing repercussions from the judicial, police, and security authorities.

Numerous reports have emerged detailing the sealing of various commercial establishments, shops, hotels, and bookstores due to the refusal of owners, sellers, and customers to adhere to compulsory hijab regulations.

On December 22, the police sealed the central office of Book City in Tehran, citing "failure to comply with guild regulations and ministry of interior directives." Book City officials pointed to the "presence of unveiled customers" as the reason behind the sealing.

In response to ongoing dissent, the Iranian parliament, government, and judiciary have pushed forward with efforts to curtail opposition to compulsory hijab through the approval of the "Chastity and Hijab" bill. If ratified by the Guardian Council, this bill is expected to exacerbate repression against women in Iran.

Under the provisions of the bill, the Ministry of Intelligence, the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and the Intelligence Organization of the Police Command are mandated to "monitor organized crime and prevent the spread of the culture of nudity, indecency, unveiling, and improper dressing in the country."

“These executions are a lesson for anyone who wants to stand against the will of the Iranian nation because the Iranian nation will punish them for their deeds,” Mehdi Sa’adati, a member of the parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee told the semi-official Iranian Students News Agency (ISNA) Monday.

Iran’s parliament is controlled by hardliners, many of whom come from the ranks of the Revolutionary Guards, and have fully supported security and intelligence agencies in their crackdown on dissent.

The four prisoners -- Pejman Fatehi, Mohsen Mazloum, Mohammad (Hazhir) Faramarzi and Wafa Azarbar – who were hanged at Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj, near Tehran, were accused of planning to blow up a defense ministry facility in Najafabad, Esfahan Province in July 2022. They were accused of being Israeli agents.

“Cooperation with Mossad has no outcome other than being executed. This is the Iranian nation’s demand,” he added.

Iranian authorities claim that the four young men were apprehended in a village in Iran’s West Azarbaijan Province, just days before they were set to execute their planned operation. They further allege that these individuals received training from Israel's Mossad in three African countries, including Tanzania, where they practiced using similar structures as target simulations.

The prisoners, who belonged to the Kurdish Komala party, were allegedly forced into making false self-incriminating confessions, which the state television (IRIB) aired in October 2022, and were tried behind closed doors without due process.

Their lawyer, Masoud Shamsnejad, has said that he was not allowed to see the case files and the Supreme Court turned down his request for a retrial for lack of submission of court documents.

The executions have enraged many Iranians, particularly those in Kurdish areas, where they went on a general strike on Tuesday. Seven Kurdish human rights organizations including Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, as well the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan called for the general strike in the Kurdish areas of Iran in protest to the executions and to draw the attention of the international community to the worrying human rights situation in Iran's Kurdish areas.

“I assure that Kurdistan will not remain silent in the face of the killing of its children,” Abdullah Mohtadi, secretary general of the Komala Party, tweeted Monday.

Rights organizations have also warned that Iran’s Supreme Court has confirmed the death sentence passed on six other Kurdish prisoners who will be in imminent danger of execution.

Iran International has received reports about total or partial internet disruptions in some areas of Iran's Kordestan Province.

Amnesty International said in a tweet on Monday that it was horrified by the arbitrary execution of the four Kurdish dissidents “after a grossly unfair secret trial”.

“Their execution comes amid an alarming spike in executions by Iran's authorities, including as tool of political repression against protesters, dissidents & oppressed ethnic minorities, particularly Kurds & Baluchis, who are disproportionately targeted by the death penalty,” Amnesty said while urging the international community to condemn the Islamic Republic’s “killing spree and intensified use of the death penalty as a tool of repression.”

Rights organizations and activists have called on Nada Al-Nashif, the UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, to cancel her visit to Tehran from 2 to 5 February to investigate executions and women's rights violations in protest to the regime’s executions.

“The timing of this visit, the context in which it would take place and its modalities raise very serious concerns. We respectfully urge you to hear these concerns and to reconsider the opportunity, timing and modalities of this visit,” Article 19, an international human rights organization, said in an open letter addressed to UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk and Al-Nashif.

Videos circulated on social media or obtained by Iran International depicted shopkeepers in cities such as Marivan, Saqqez, Sanandaj, Mahabad, Dehgolan, Bukan, Divandareh, and others closing their shops and participating in the strike.

Despite numerous protests and calls from human rights organizations, the death sentences of Pejman Fatehi, Mohsen Mazloum, Mohammad Faramarzi, and Vafa Azarbar, four Kurdish political prisoners, were carried out on Monday.

The security forces arrested them in August 2022 in West Azarbaijan province, accusing them of collaborating with Israel.

The execution of the Kurdish prisoners prompted numerous protests and reactions, including widespread strikes by vendors condemning the incident, amid a surge in executions across Iran.

Reports emerged simultaneously about the Islamic Republic's security forces refraining from delivering the bodies of the executed people to their families.

Javana Taimasi, the wife of Mohsen Mazloum, expressed outrage, stating, "They have informed the families that they will bury [them] in an undisclosed location. Shame on your crimes and your bloodthirsty regime! They are even afraid of the bodies of our heroes."

The Islamic Republic had accused the four prisoners of planning to bomb a Defense Ministry factory in Najafabad, Esfahan, with the cooperation of Israel and through the Komala group, but they were arrested a few days before the operation.

Komala has been engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Iranian government, notably during the 1979 Kurdish rebellion and the Iran–Iraq War.

In a recent revelation, UN experts disclosed that at least 834 people were executed in Iran in 2023.

While Kurds in Iran represent around 10% of the population, they are around 50% of the prisoners in Iran’s jails.

Gholamreza Gholami, Mohammad Ali Zahmatkesh, Iraj Rahnama, Afshin Razmjou, and Asghar Amirzadegan, along with other educators, were detained between March and May 2023. Rahnama and Gholami initiated a hunger strike on January 13, 2024, in protest to their sentences in Shiraz.

Initially, the Shiraz Revolutionary Court handed down a collective 34-year prison term to the five teachers, along with three others, in June. Gholami received an 11-year sentence, while Amirzadegan, Razmjou, Rahnama, and Zhametkesh were each sentenced to five years.

In addition to prison time, they were all subjected to two years of travel bans with passport confiscations and two years of online activity prohibitions as supplementary penalties. Gholami also faced an additional two-year exile in Birjand, located in the northeast of Iran.

However, following their appeals, the court has now reduced their prison sentences to two years each.

Meanwhile, retired teacher Omid Nasirifar was summoned by security authorities in Tehran, highlighting the ongoing pressure faced by educators.

Iranian educators have long been campaigning for higher salaries and pensions, as they are among the lowest-paid government employees. Furthermore, they have expressed their opposition to gas poisonings of schoolgirls, a crisis that surfaced in Iran last year, affecting numerous schools and impacting thousands of students.

For decades, Iranian filmmakers, including Farhadi, have been compelled to depict female characters with their hair covered by a headscarf or a tightly fitted hat, along with loose-fitting clothing that conceals the neck, arms, and legs.

Farhadi says he will not cover women's hair in his films “systematically” as long as compulsory hijab rules are in place and Iranians defy the ban. “I will not make films in Iran as long as I am not free from this constraint,” he told Le Monde in an interview conducted last month on the sidelines of Les Arcs Film Festival in France where he chaired the jury.

The rule applies even when the characters are in places where they are supposed to have complete privacy in the story, such as their bedrooms. Filmmakers and screenwriters often must go to great lengths to avoid scenes where the appearance of the female characters in anything less than acceptable to the authorities may result in the scene being censored in pre-screening vetting by officials appointed to review films according to religious and political guidelines. Films can also lose permission for public screening.

Farhadi also told Le Monde that Iranian filmmakers persevered in creating films for four decades despite heavy censorship and repression, but in the past year film production has dropped hugely. “I can’t work in these circumstances, either.”

The director of the Academy Award winning “A Separation” and “The Salesman”, who had always insisted on staying in Iran, was criticized for often avoiding comments on political issues but like many of his colleagues, he openly supported the Woman, Life, Freedom Movement in 2022.

“I’m restless and disgusted since reading the news, this time with myself,” he wrote in an Instagram post he addressed to Mahsa Amini who fell into a coma after receiving a head injury during her arrest by the morality police in September 2022 for what they considered as “inadequate hijab”.

“Faced with this boundless cruelty, we pretend we are sleeping. We are partners in this crime,” he wrote.

In another post he urged all artists, filmmakers, intellectuals, and rights activists around the world to show solidarity with Iranian men and women by making videos, writing articles or any other way they could.

Later in April, he told Variety Magazine that he was not totally sure he would be allowed to leave the country again if he went back to Iran, as he planned to do at the time before starting to shoot his new film in the US.

“I’m not officially aware of being banned from working in Iran, but I have heard it unofficially. Moreover, I know that I’m officially banned from any business transactions. And again, unofficially, I have heard that I am banned from leaving Iran,” he said.

Farhadi’s passport was taken from him upon returning to Iran two years after winning his Academy Award for best foreign film in 2011. He was also interrogated at the airport and called in by intelligence agencies.

Many Iranian actors and other artists who publicly supported the Mahsa movement and fused to wear hijab were banned from working by the authorities. Some, like Taraneh Alidoosti who appeared in Farhadi’s Separation, and Katayoun Riahi were arrested and prosecuted for hijab rebellion.