Iran’s Film Festival Sparks Embarrassment and Protests
The Fajr Film Festival, once the Islamic Republic's most prominent annual cultural event, has caused embarrassment for the regime, its officials, and supporters this year.
The Fajr Film Festival, once the Islamic Republic's most prominent annual cultural event, has caused embarrassment for the regime, its officials, and supporters this year.
According to reports, Iran's best-known filmmakers refused to attend the opening gala, critics criticized the organizers for their poor programming, and artists confronted officials for various reasons. The festival has become a political tool in the hands of hardliners to punish independent filmmakers and promote their loyalists.
Elnaz Shakerdoost, an actress who received awards in previous years, purchased a ticket last week to attend the festival movie house in Tehran where her new film, “Without A Body,” was being screened since she was not even invited to the opening ceremony. Shakerdoost decided to take the stage and address the audience about censorship.
The actress, considered a superstar, had been barred from official ceremonies due to her support of the 2022 protests in Iran and her advocacy for Iranian women defying compulsory hijab. She managed to make her way to the stage at the end of her movie and declare, "This is not a festival; this is a cultural war." As officials raised the music volume to drown out her speech, she added, "The officials screen the films they cannot find a reason to ban in the 'new look' section and effectively bury the movies alive forever."
The festival this year, decided to pay tribute to director Parviz Sheikh-Tadi, known for making movies in support of the regime’s ideology. He is best known for his film, “Saturday Hunter,” full of conspiracy theories about Zionists controlling the world. Culture Minister Mohammad Mehdi Esmaili and two of the festival's officials ushered him to the stage, believing in his revolutionary credentials, unaware of any potential change in his views over the years.
Onstage, Sheikh-Tadi presented a tie as a gift to the Minister to make him appear tidy and serious, highlighting that hardliners in Iran used to cut people's ties, viewing them as a symbol of Western civilization. To embarrass the officials further, he took out a woman's headscarf and stated that it was futile to force women to wear it. The audience gave him a standing ovation, and the officials wore forced smiles, worried about what might happen next. The audience applauded every word Sheikh-Tadi uttered during his powerful protest act.
One film critic commented, "The videos and pictures of the event went viral, offering a valuable lesson for the officials. However, based on experience, we shouldn't be too optimistic." He pointed out that Sheikh Tadi shared political affiliations with the officials, making his message particularly impactful. "Who else should have told them what they needed to hear?"
Yet another embarrassment came as Asghar Naimi, a filmmaker and a former journalist tried to enter the festival's venue to watch his film, “Two days Later,” with the audience. The festivals officials and the organizers' representatives did not recognize him and violently tried to stop him. Naimi, a strong man, forcefully made his way inside while chastising the officials, who seemed clueless about the festival's essence.
Naimi later commented that "those who fund the movies through connections with the state should stop ignoring Iran's independent cinema."
Even during its best periods under President Mohammad Khatami's reformist government (1997-2005), the Fajr Film Festival, dedicated to paying tribute to the 1979 Islamic revolution, remained a caricature of the pre-revolution Tehran International Film Festival, which showcased the best of Iranian and world cinema and attracted giants from the global film industry.
The banks are banned from accessing the Iraqi central bank's daily dollar auction, a main source of hard currency in the import-dependent country that has become a focal point of a US crackdown.
The measure was taken to reduce fraud, money laundering and other illegal uses of the US currency days after a visit by a top US Treasury official. The measures are in line with US regulations aimed at curbing the illegal siphoning of dollars to Iran and applying pressure on Tehran along with US sanctions imposed over its nuclear program and other disputes.
As an ally to both the United States and Iran, Iraq -- holding over $100 billion in reserves in the US -- heavily depends on Washington's goodwill to ensure access to its oil revenues that are kept in US banks.
Citing an Iraqi central bank document verified by an official at the bank, Reuters said the banned banks are Ahsur International Bank for Investment; Investment Bank of Iraq; Union Bank of Iraq; Kurdistan International Islamic Bank for Investment and Development; Al Huda Bank; Al Janoob Islamic Bank for Investment and Finance; Arabia Islamic Bank and Hammurabi Commercial Bank.
A US Treasury spokesman said, "We commend the continued steps taken by the Central Bank of Iraq to protect the Iraqi financial system from abuse, which has led to legitimate Iraqi banks achieving international connectivity through correspondent banking relationships.”
The measures to restrict Iran's access to US dollars come amid high tensions between Washington and Tehran after three US soldiers were killed on January 28 by a drome attack launched by Iranian proxy militias operating in Iraq.
In July 2023, Iraq banned 14 banks from conducting dollar transactions as part of a wider crackdown on dollar smuggling to Iran via the Iraqi banking system. The decision came after a request from Washington, according to Iraqi and US officials. The targeted banks were mostly small institutions, even by Iraqi standards. Some of these banks have ties to influential Iraqis, who are known for financial connections to Iran, or have heavy involvement in dollar transactions. The sanctions, along with previous ones on eight banks, left nearly a third of Iraq's 72 banks blacklisted, two Iraqi central bank officials said.
Last week, the US Treasury Department's top sanctions official, Brian Nelson, met top Iraqi officials in Baghdad, and discussed how to protect the Iraqi and international financial system from criminal, corrupt and terrorist actors, a tacit reference to the Islamic Republic.
During the visit, the Treasury announced action against Al-Huda Bank, saying it was involved in diverting billions of US dollars to Iranian-backed militia groups.
Reuters quoted an unnamed Treasury official as saying that Washington expected Iraq to do more to help counter Iran-backed armed groups operating out of Iraq after the killing of three US soldiers in Jordan, which has prompted US-led military strikes against Iran-linked targets in Iraq, Syria and Yemen.
Iran International revealed in May, that an aide to former IRGC’s Quds force commander Qasem Soleimani is a key figure in money laundering for Tehran. Earlier in 2023, Iran International also reported some details about the inner workings of a Quds force unit tasked with smuggling money from Iraq to Iran, demonstrating that the Islamic Republic’s embassy in Iraq is also involved in the money laundering operations aimed at funneling revenues from oil and gas exports back to Iran.
This financial network is bypassing the US sanctions at the cost of the Iraqi economy. An informed source in Baghdad told Iran International late in December that Washington has received reports Iraq is still conducting trade with Iran using US dollars despite sanctions.
The United States has insisted that oil-rich Iraq, the OPEC group's second-largest producer, moves towards self-sufficiency in energy and power generation, and has put pressure on Baghdad to stem the flow of dollars into neighboring Iran.
The Iraqi dinar went into a tailspin against the dollar after the New York Federal Reserve imposed tighter controls on international dollar transactions by commercial Iraqi banks in November 2022 to halt the illegal siphoning of dollars to Iran.
Under the curbs that took effect in January 2023, Iraqi banks were obligated to use an online platform to disclose their transaction details.
Over the past decade, several concerning issues have plagued Iran's public education system, attracting significant attention.
Mass recruitment of clerics in public schools, significant dropouts even in elementary and middle schools, and a sharp drop in the quality of public education. In its latest recruitment process, the Ministry of Education hired 3500 seminary students and clerics without any training. Already, tens of thousands of seminary students and clerics were employed in this ministry.
According to Shahla Kazmipour, a demographer in Iran, 30 percent of male teenagers aged 15 to 18 have dropped out of schools and only half school-aged male teenagers are enrolled.
A report on students' average grades from 2019 to 2023 showed a decline in the GPA across all fields, particularly in experimental sciences, mathematics, physics, and Islamic knowledge. This drop in educational quality has been a consistent trend over the past 45 years.
Of course, this drop is not limited to this time period. Iran's public education has experienced a continuous decline in scores in the last 45 years despite the lowering of standards. How can we explain this drop during the Islamic Republic era?
Three fundamental reasons
The three main and fundamental reasons for this decline are 1) the sharp decrease in per capita investment and spending in public education year by year, 2) an increasing class divide in society has led to children from the ruling class attending private schools, leaving public education with fewer resources and less competition. 3) widespread poverty and high unemployment rates have strained family resources, making it difficult for many households to invest in their children's education.
The Ministry of Education had 971,000 staff and 38,000 retirees in 2023. The budget of this ministry was about 2.7 trillion rials or about $4 billion. Considering the population of 16,700,000 students in the country, the budget per student was about 12.4 million tomans, which was $250 per capita per year. In comparison, European countries, the US, and Canada allocated between $8,000 and $20,000 per student in 2019.
Furthermore, income inequality has widened in Iran, with public schools providing low-quality education for low-income families. Over 70% of top-ranking students in university entrance exams come from non-government schools, which only account for 13% of students.
Despite the government's denial of poverty statistics, approximately 90% of Iranians receive living subsidies, indicating widespread economic challenges. Moreover, unemployment affects about 53% of Iranians aged 15 to 65, rendering the official unemployment rate of 7.6% questionable. In such circumstances, families often reduce family sizes or cut "non-essential" expenses, including education.
Four security-political concerns
Instead of addressing the underlying causes of decline in the education system, the authorities have been inserting clerics and Basij members into the school staff based on four false perceptions: 1) brainwashing instead of civil education, 2) ideological and political indoctrination instead of teaching sciences and skills, 3) preventing student protests by having loyal people in the schools’ staff and supervisors, and 4) keeping the clerics and Basij members loyal by giving them public jobs.
This totalitarian approach can hardly succeed in Iran for the resistance of families against the indoctrination of the clerics’ lifestyle and ideas. Parents and students alike have access to the Internet as a window to alternative lifestyles, and flaws in the ideological and political programs of the government.
The Shiite clerics’ main agenda in Iran has been to reverse the modernization of the Pahlavi era in all aspects of governance. This agenda is gradually returning Iran’s public education to the 19th century Qajar era, similar to the judicial and legislative systems of the Islamic Republic. With the current trend, Iran's public schools could become the madrasas of the Qajar era in the next decade.