Ex-President Khatami Abstains From Voting In Iran Elections

Iran and Russia have recently signed 19 contracts to strengthen their bilateral cooperation across various industries, as reported by the Shana News Agency, affiliated with the Iranian Oil Ministry. These agreements, reached during the 17th meeting of the joint economic cooperation committee in Tehran, encompass energy, health, trade, and education sectors. Talks are also underway to develop new gas and oil reserves, indicating the potential for further agreements soon.

Furthermore, the electrical companies of both nations have entered into a cooperative agreement aimed at advancing research and technology in power generation. This initiative seeks to enhance collaboration through digitalizing electrical networks, improving energy efficiency, and localizing equipment manufacturing. Additionally, a protocol has been adopted to modify the roadmap for scientific and technological collaboration in the oil and gas industry, emphasizing practical cooperation enhancement in 21 key areas.

Challenges and Opportunities

For the Iranian energy industry as well as the larger geopolitical environment, the memorandum of understanding (MOU) on technological collaboration between Russia's Transneft and Iran's Ministry of Oil brings both chances and problems.

By possibly introducing Russian technology into Iran's oil industry, the MOU establishes a precedent for technical collaboration. This might improve the production and efficiency of Iran's oil and gas projects. The strengthening alliance between Russia and Iran has the potential to change local energy supply environments, which might affect global energy pricing and distribution networks.

The deal is a component of larger conversations on energy cooperation, which also include the development of gas reserves and the establishment of a gas hub in Iran. Iran's standing in the international energy market may be enhanced by this.

However, Iran and Russia have a history of broken agreements,which highlights how difficult it is to meet the promises of these MOUs. The contradiction between Russia's reluctance to convert memoranda into contracts and Iran's statements suggests that execution may be difficult. Both nations have lofty goals, but they also have economic difficulties. For example, Gazprom of Russia has experienced a sharp decline in earnings and a rise in debt, casting doubt on the viability of spending $40 billion in Iran's energy industry.

Russia and Iran are also potential competitors in the energy markets, while Western sanctions on both nations might make cooperation more difficult by impeding the execution of ambitious objectives. Although the MOU gives Iran a chance to alleviate its natural gas shortage, Iran's energy independence may be compromised if it becomes dependent on Russian gas through swaps or direct transfers.

Iran and Russia have recently solidified their bilateral cooperation by signing 19 contracts, marking an advancement across various sectors. This development follows the successful negotiations of agreements covering commerce, energy, health, and education at the 17th meeting of the Joint Economic Cooperation Committee in Tehran, Iran.

The MOU between Transneft and Iran's Ministry of Oil, which holds promise for enhancing collaboration within the oil industry, but intricacies of geopolitics and conflicting economic interests, uncertainties persist regarding its specific objectives and potential consequences.

Even with all the possible drawbacks—like dependency worries, financial restraints, and legal obstacles—one can't help but wonder what real intentions are driving these partnerships. It begs the question of whether Iran and Russia have other hidden goals at work, or if they are just looking to take advantage of these openings to increase their energy capabilities and influence globally. While building strong relationships, promoting innovation, and deftly managing global dynamics may seem appealing, it also raises the issue of what hidden agendas may be at play.

The intercepted missile on Saturday was identified as a significant threat to US aircraft in the region.

“On March 1, at approximately 12:40 pm (Sanaa time), US Central Command (CENTCOM) forces conducted a self-defense strike against one Iranian-backed Houthi surface-to-air missile that was prepared to launch from Houthi controlled areas of Yemen towards the Red Sea. CENTCOM forces identified the missile and determined it presented an imminent threat to US aircraft in the region,” CENTCOM announced on X.

The incident unfolds amid escalating tensions, with Houthi fighters targeting both commercial and military vessels since November. Initially directed at ships associated with Israel in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza, the attacks have since broadened to include vessels linked to the United Kingdom and the United States.

Last month, US forces, in collaboration with the United Kingdom Armed Forces and other nations, launched strikes against 18 Houthi targets in Yemen controlled by Iranian-backed Houthi militants.

The multinational efforts, as stated by US Central Command, aim to protect their respective countries, partners, and allies in the region. The heightened insecurity in the Red Sea has prompted major shipping lines to avoid the critical trade route, opting for longer journeys around Africa. The shift has led to increased expenses, raising concerns about global inflation.

After losing the election in the constituency of Kerman and Ravar, Mohammad-Reza Pour-Ebrahimi stated that “buying and selling votes, giving massive gifts and conducting unlawful campaigns” as some of the widespread violations.

He called on the Guardian Council to carry out an immediate and thorough investigation of the irregularities.

Pour-Ebrahimi is the head of the outgoing Iranian Parliament’s Economic Commission and is considered an influential lawmaker. He has represented Kerman and Ravar in parliament for three consecutive terms.

What some candidates committed definitely affected the results in the constituency, he added in his statement.

Iran’s parliamentary and the Assembly of Experts elections were held simultaneously on Friday, an event which was met with a massive boycott by the public, the opposition and civil and political activists.

Iranian regime media, including IRNA and the IRGC-affiliated Fars news website, claim a voter turnout of more than 40%. However, social media accounts offer a contrasting narrative through videos and images, indicating a much more lackluster participation.

Over the past days, the regime drastically stepped up its measures to lure the unwilling citizens to vote.

In one instance, Iran's infamous police chief Ahmad-Reza Radan said that the soldiers serving in the police force will be granted four days of leave in exchange for participating in the elections.

Iran’s security and intelligence institutions had also mounted pressure to prevent boycott campaigns.

Some activists reported that they received threatening text messages from Iran’s judiciary over launching or supporting boycott campaigns on their social media pages.

Apart from those headed to Iran, grain ships originating from the Black Sea are about the only ones still using the route.

Iran-backed Houthis have effectively closed the Red Sea with their missile and drone strikes on commercial vessels. They maintain that they act in support of Palestinians and target only ships that are somehow related to Israel or its main supporters, US and Britain. But very few transport companies are willing to risk it.

“Just about all (dry bulk grain) vessels going from the Americas and western Europe are avoiding the Red Sea,” according to Reuters. “The only exception is vessels going to Iran, they’re still taking the Red Sea route when shorter.”

The clerical regime in Iran has been the Houthis’ primary supporter for several years now, funding, arming and training their forces and helping the group gain and retain control of large parts of Yemen in the face of a much stronger military alliance led by Saudi Arabia.

Last November, the Houthis began targeting ships in the Red Sea, in what they have always stated to be a response to Israel’s onslaught on Gaza, and claiming that it would end if there were to be a ceasefire in Gaza. However, the attacks began in mid-November after Iran's ruler Ali Khamenei called on Muslims to blockade Israel.

Houthis have disrupted global maritime trade, forcing major operators to re-route and go around the southern tip of Africa, which has increased shipping costs and consequently the price of many consumer goods.

Iranian officials hail the Houthis’ “bravery” but insist that the group is operationally independent. However, a report in Asharq al-Awsat Friday suggested that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard (IRGC) has a dedicated unit directing attacks in the Red Sea.

Quoting an unnamed Yemeni military source. Asharq al-Awsat reported that IRGC and Hezbollah forces “oversee every aspect of the military and political activities of the Houthis,” which includes “assembling missiles and drones, preparing unmanned boats and submarines, and even controlling the release of military information and videos.”

The report confirms a US military assessment two weeks ago that the IRGC has forces “on the ground” in Yemen “serving side by side” by the Houthis.

Shortly after the Houthis started their operations, the United States and some of its allies dispatched warships to the Red Sea to protect commercial vessels. More recently, the US and Britain have been striking Houthi sites inside Yemen, calling it “defensive action” aimed at “degrading” the group’s capabilities.

The strikes seemed to be a success when Houthi attacks ceased for two weeks in February. Later in the month, however, attacks resumed –and with marked increase in intensity.

“It is pretty obvious that the Houthi attacks cannot be stopped easily by military means,” Reuters quoted one grain trader exporting cargoes from Europe. “Many ship owners are still willing to accept the danger to their ships and vessels... Chinese purchases of Ukrainian corn recently are expected to transit the Red Sea.”

President Biden admitted that he didn’t think the airstrikes he authorized could end the Houthi attack, who, undeterred, have threatened to “surprise” the “enemy.”

Biden critics say his administration is to blame for emboldening the Houthis’ and –perhaps more importantly– Iran.

“Iran’s proxies are being emboldened and enriched by the Biden Administration’s appeasement first foreign policy,” Senator Pete Rickets (R-Ne) said in a Senate Committee for Foreign Relations hearing Thursday . “It’s a threat to American national security. More money in Iran’s coffers means more money in the hands of their proxies.”

Senators from both parties seemed to agree with witnesses in the hearing (titled Tehran’s Shadow Army) that existing sanctions on Iran, especially oil sanctions, need to be enforced with determination after a few years of loose (or non-) enforcement –which patently failed to entice the Iranian regime to cede some grounds in its nuclear program.

The poverty line signifies the minimum income level necessary to sustain an ordinary life, encompassing the total expenditure on essential resources for an average adult over the span of a year. In Iran the minimum monthly income for a family of 3 for basic food and needs is estimated to be around $400.

Highlighting the situation, a report from Eqtesad 24 elaborated on the poverty conditions prevailing in Iranian society. It projected a concerning escalation in poverty rates, foreseeing that by the end of the year 1402 [March 20], “the proportion of individuals below the poverty line could soar to 37 to 40 percent.”

The forecast attributes the surge to the combination of soaring inflation rates and stagnant wages, exacerbating the financial strain faced by many Iranians.

The pervasive poverty has profound implications for Iranians, with a significant portion struggling to afford basic necessities. Compounded by persistently high inflation rates, where the country has endured inflation levels exceeding 40 percent for five consecutive years, the purchasing power of salary earners has been eroded. Despite promises from Islamic Republic authorities to curb inflation, such commitments have often fallen short, echoing past instances of unfulfilled pledges.

The repercussions of escalating poverty are evident in the daily lives of Iranians. The majority of Iranians find themselves unable to afford even basic food items like meat, fruits, and vegetables, with consumption witnessing a decline.