Tehran Hospital Rejects Evin Prisoners Due to Jail’s Bedbug Infestation

In late 2022, while the Islamic Republic’s security forces were in the throes of their violent crackdown on unprecedented anti-regime protests, news spread that a senior IRGC intelligence official had reportedly been stabbed to death.

In response to Nader Bayrami's killing in the province of Kermanshah, authorities arbitrarily detained dozens of protesters in retaliation.

Days later, they would single out Kurdish man Reza Rasaei, blaming him for the alleged crime.

Exclusive interviews with eyewitnesses to the killing of the IRGC official and sources close to Rasaei’s family cast complete doubt on the regime’s narrative.

According to new information, Rasaei was not involved in the altercation that led to the death of the IRGC official and was ultimately forced to confess to Bayrami's murder under extreme torture.

Rasaei, 34, was sentenced to death by the Supreme Court of Iran in December 2023 and is currently imprisoned in Dizel Abad prison in Kermanshah, where he faces the imminent threat of execution.

‘Rasaei Absent from Clash Leading to IRGC Officer’s Death’

In the wake of Iranian-Kurdish woman Mahsa Jina Amini's death in September 2022, at the hands of the regime's so-called morality police, nationwide protests were sweeping across Iran.

Authorities were on high alert to stifle any gatherings that could escalate into larger demonstrations, often targeting Iran’s Kurdish population.

In mid-November, eyewitnesses reported that nearly 3,000 people attended a commemoration ceremony in western Iran.

It was during this event that senior IRGC official Nader Bayrami reportedly lost his life.

The gathering honored Seyed Khalil Alinejad — an influential Kurdish and Yarsan figure believed to have been killed by regime agents. Originating in 14th-century Iran, Yarsan is one of the Middle East's oldest faiths, with over one million followers in the country. The Islamic Republic refuses to recognize Yarsan as a legitimate faith, labeling it a "false cult" and regularly persecuting its followers.

Rasaei, hailing from the Kurdish and Yarsan minority, received a call from state security agents before the gathering to get a commitment that he would not engage in protests and chanting of slogans. He attended the ceremony anyway, holding up a photo of his cousin Khairullah Haqjoyan, who was in custody at the time.

One of Rasaei's friends, who was also in attendance, reported that the crowd suddenly began chanting anti-regime slogans like "Death to the child-killing government" and "Woman, Life, Freedom."Authorities quickly began beating people with batons. After a gunshot was heard, security forces released tear gas to disperse the crowd.

"We were all running towards the houses [nearby]. Security forces and plain-clothed security agents surrounded the ceremony. A voice was heard from the crowd saying that one person had been killed," Rasaei's friend recounted.

The killings of several young teens and children days prior, by security forces, had ignited a furious atmosphere among Iranians – and the anger among the gathering was reportedly palpable.

According to an eyewitness, the IRGC’s Bayrami and his companions were dressed in civilian attire – with their identities unknown during the altercation.

Bayrami was giving a warning to a woman refusing to wear the hijab, when a group of individuals confronted him and eventually began beating him. In retaliation, Bayrami reportedly used pepper spray.

Two sources with direct knowledge of the events emphasized that Rasaei was not present at the altercation. They noted that he was absent from all published pictures of the clashes that led to Bayrami’s death and was not wearing a mask to conceal his identity.

A source familiar with the case revealed to Iran International that Bayrami sustained nine stab wounds. Word spread after the altercation, that the individual who had been killed was the IRGC Intelligence Chief of Sahneh.

‘Rasaei Was Tortured, Framed, and Sentenced to Death’

Following Bayrami’s death, Iranian security forces arrested close to 60 individuals from the city, a resident told Iran International.

About 6 days later, Rasaei was detained in Shahriar, Tehran province and subsequently subjected to "extremely brutal" torture.

According to two informed sources, Rasaei was forced to confess to the murder of Bayrami under torture.

Sources say what followed Rasaei’s arrest was a non-independent and predetermined judicial process, marred by numerous violations of legal procedures and Rasaei’s basic human rights.

For four months following his arrest, Rasaei was denied phone privileges and visitations from his family. When his family was eventually allowed to visit him, they reportedly barely recognized him.

“His fingers were broken as a result of him being beaten, and his shoulder was broken and oddly mended, leaving his body contorted and he could not walk. The impacts of mental torment were evident on his face. He could barely speak a few words. It seemed as though a different Reza was sitting in the visitation room. It was as if he didn’t know anyone,” a source close to the family disclosed.

Following what Amnesty International called a “grossly unfair trial on 7 October 2023”, Rasaei was arbitrarily convicted of “murder” and sentenced to death – admitting his “torture-tainted forced confessions as evidence”.

Rasaei’s forced confessions, Amnesty said, were “obtained under torture and other ill-treatment, including beatings, electric shocks, suffocation, and sexual violence”.

According to sources, judicial authorities at Branch 2 of Criminal Court 1 of Kermanshah province, had handed him the sentence of "Qisas" for the charge of "participation in murder" and classified the case under security categories.

The judiciary repeatedly denied his family and his lawyers the right to appeal the sentence.

In December 2023, the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence.

The Dadban legal group, which monitors the legal proceedings of imprisoned protesters and political prisoners in Iran, also declared on social media that the death sentence against Rasaei is unlawful.

They noted that the court selectively accepted testimony from certain defendants while disregarding evidence that could have exonerated Rasaei. Despite the prosecutor's report highlighting flaws in the case, the judges persisted in issuing a guilty verdict.

Furthermore, the group of legal experts said, the court ignored the opinions of forensic experts regarding the cause of death and the weapon involved.

Dadban emphasized the influence of powerful institutions in Rasaei's case, suggesting that the verdict was predetermined despite numerous contradictions and flaws.

This month, Amnesty International issued a call for urgent action, warning that Rasaei is at imminent risk of execution.

Rasaei's mother has released three videos pleading for help and urging people to prevent the Iranian government from taking her son's life.

Executive editor Aliasghar Ramezanpoor and television host Pouria Zeraati accepted the Award on behalf of the news network.

“This is an award to Iranian people who are the voice of what is happening inside,” Zeraati said.

After receiving the award, Ramezanpoor and Zeraati spoke on a panel with Brandon Silver, Director of Policy and Projects at the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights (RWCHR).

During that conversation, they discussed Iran's grave humanitarian situation and why the Islamic Republic branded Iran International a terrorist organization.

“I think the reason the regime is against Iran International as a media organization is that they are afraid of the free flow of information, which cannot be stopped in the 21st century,” Zeraati said.

He explained the reason is twofold: the regime does not want people to know what they are deprived of, namely the social democratic values people desire, and it does not wish the rest of the world to know about the atrocities they commit inside their country.

Ramezanpoor drew attention to the grave situation of journalists inside Iran who bravely reported what was happening, particularly Elahe Mohamadi and Niloufar Hamedi, who broke the story of Mahsa Jina Amini for the first time.

22-year-old Mahsa Jina Amini died at the hands of the so-called morality police in September 2022. Her death sparked a monthslong nationwide protest, often dubbed the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, during which authorities killed at least 550 protesters and tens of thousands were detained – including scores of journalists.

The two female journalists were jailed for over a year for covering the death of Amini. While they were released on bail in January, they “technically are under house arrest and cannot do their work”, Ramzanpoor said.

During the panel discussion, Zeraati, who was stabbed while leaving his London residence in late March, said that what happened to him showed that the Western government's policy of diplomacy and negotiating with the regime doesn’t work.

“What they can do [the Western governments] is send a clear message to Tehran that if this is repeated, there will be severe and more serious consequences for you,” Zeraati said.

Pointing out to the sanctions the UK government imposed on the Islamic Republic after ITV revealed that there was a plot against two of Iran's International journalists that was foiled by British Security Services in 2022, Zeraati said: “What happened to me was about three months after those sanctions, That shows that those sanctions were not impactful enough.”

On the opening day of the summit, Zeraati also called for the designation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a measure to reduce the regime’s international impact.

Iranian government threats have targeted Iran International for years. After risks to staff reached a point where domestic security services could not ensure their safety, the news network temporarily relocated its London offices to Washington last year.

During the summit, which raises awareness about human rights situations that require urgent global action, Kylie Moore-Gilbert, an academic previously jailed in Iran for over two years, described her harrowing ordeal inside the Islamic Republic's prisons.

She also called on Western governments to stop their “empty words” and take action to support Iranians.

Moore-Gilbert said that shortly after the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom movement in Iran was suppressed by the authorities, Western governments “rushed right back into business as usual mode in their dealings with Tehran” and “turned a blind eye to enforcing oil sanctions. Unfreezing Iranian assets to the tune of billions, issuing sanctions waivers, which enrich the regime by further billions.”

The Australian-British academic was arrested at Tehran Airport by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard (IRGC) on September 12, 2018. She was subsequently convicted of espionage in a closed-door trial, and sentenced to 10 years in prison.

Moore-Gilbert, a University of Melbourne lecturer in Islamic studies, was released in November 2020 in a prisoner swap with three Iranian prisoners in Thailand, two of whom had been convicted in connection with a bombing plot in Bangkok in 2012.

She also criticized the UK, Canada, and Australia for not designating the IRGC as a terrorist entity, in its entirety.

“To the Western governments, I say it's not too late to stand by the Iranian people in a meaningful, impactful way in their quest for freedom. Woman Life Freedom is not over. It's still boiling away. It will erupt again, and when it does, we can be ready.”

US-based advocate Gazelle Sharmahd shared her speech via video after she was informed that the regime in Iran may target her should she travel to Switzerland for the summit.

Sharmahd, the daughter of German-American prisoner Jamshid Sharmahd, who has been sentenced to death in Iran, has long advocated for the release of her father.

“I wish I could be there with you today in person, but unfortunately, we live in a world where terrorists are invited on the red carpets and activists have to fend for their own lives. I was told it's not safe for me to travel because the Islamic regime is watching my every step, and I could be assassinated or kidnapped like my father.”

A 69-year-old California resident, Jamshid Sharmahd, was abducted by Iranian agents while visiting the United Arab Emirates in 2020. Iranian authorities sentenced him to death for “endangering national security” in February 2023, a verdict that the Supreme Court upheld.

Sharmahd, who holds German and Iranian citizenship, was convicted of heading a pro-monarchist group named Tondar, responsible for a deadly bomb attack that killed 14 people and injured 215 in Shiraz in 2008.

Sharmahd and his family deny the charges, and Iranian authorities have not provided evidence to support their accusations. Amnesty International has branded the Iranian judicial system’s trial a sham.

Gazelle Sharmahd also criticized Western governments for not supporting the Iranian diaspora, saying, “More activists and journalists are facing death threats as a nation plots kidnapping plots stabbings on American and European soil.”

“And when they ask their Western governments for protection, they're told to stop their activism. Don't go to rallies. Don't go to conferences or go into witness protection. So, in other words, shut up or protect yourself from terror plots,” Sharmahd added.

Hashem Hosseini Bushehri, Secretary of the Supreme Council of Seminaries said on Tuesday, “If educated and thoughtful women address issues such as the status of women's rights in Western societies and the flaws that exist in this area in the West, the enemy will not even have a chance to challenge us,” said Bushehri.

His statement comes at a time when Iran faces international scrutiny over its treatment of women, following the widespread protests ignited by the Women, Life, Freedom movement since 2022.

The movement began after powerful images of Iranian women rejecting the mandatory hijab went viral, symbolizing broader opposition against Iran’s authoritarian regime, which imposes strict religious codes affecting both the social and private lives of its citizens, especially women, who remain excluded from various facets of society such as football stadiums and are subject to strict Islamic dress codes from childhood.

Despite the regime’s harsh crackdown, which includes public beatings, rapes, and executions of protesters, defiance remains strong.

In response, Iranian authorities have escalated their enforcement of the mandatory hijab, instituting the Noor plan last month, which has seen an increased presence of hijab police, especially in central Tehran, violently cracking down on hijab defiance.

The United Nations has labeled Iran's actions as "gender apartheid," and international rights groups continue to advocate for the oppressed women in Iran, who are battling against the stringent laws.

Iran’s Me Too movement has documented systematic state-sanctioned sexual violence against women and girls.

After establishing total control over the parliament by banning hundreds of other candidates, Iran’s hardliners are now engaged in fierce infighting, in what some observers call rivalry over power, money and influence.

Some argue that the infighting will not yield any clear winner, while others believe Iran's embattled ‘reform’ camp might benefit from the fierce competition among ultraconservatives, who still call themselves revolutionaries 45 years after Iran's largely forgotten 1979 revolution.

Meanwhile, the nation at large appeared indifferent to the entire affair, with various sources reporting a turnout of only 4 to 8 percent in the runoff election. The public nearly ignored the election and sees little significance in the infighting among the ultraconservatives poised to take over the inefficient parliament in less than a month.

Mohammad Javad Jamali Nobandegani, a conservative politician says there will be no winners in the infighting. He describes the ongoing conflict as a struggle between the younger members of the ultraconservative Paydari (Steadfastness) party and even younger "revolutionaries" who secured their seats in parliament through a campaign led by young conservative regime propagandist Ali Akbar Raefipour.

Both Paydari members and the supporters of Majles Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf have accused Raefipour of financial corruption and leading social media trolls to attack his political rivals, mainly on X.

Raefipour, on the other hand, has accused his political rivals of unethical campaigning against him. While Raefipour claims that nine of the candidates on his list have won the runoff election, others argue that none of the individuals won solely because of his support. The nine candidates were also promoted by Paydari Party.

Nobandegani told Nameh News that all radical politicians over the past 45 years have deviated from the orthodox Islamic revolution. He accused radical politicians of having very little, if any, political awareness and charged that young ultraconservatives know no boundaries in their mudslinging against political rivals.

He described the ultraconservatives' behavior as undemocratic and warned all sides that tarnishing their rivals' image will not boost their own reputation. On the contrary, it will deepen public disappointment and further lower voter turnout in the next elections. Both sides will be destroyed, he reiterated.

Nameh News warned in a commentary that reformist politicians are likely to ride the waves of discord among conservatives and become popular with the public.

The website noted that it is interesting how all sides, including Ghalibaf's camp, Paydari, and Raefipour with his young revolutionaries, claim to be pioneering a new brand of conservatism in Iran. However, what the public sees is their infighting and the corruption allegations they hurl at each other.

This, the website argued, will erode public trust in all politicians. The only potential winners might be the reformists, who can portray themselves as moderates among radicals.

Meanwhile, a moderate conservative commentator Mehdi Arab Sadeq has suggested that behind the scenes of the fierce infighting within the conservative camp, the Paydari Party appears to be trying to highlight the government's failures and further its own political agenda to take over the Majles and the government.

The Tehran University academic noted that while the new lawmakers are predominantly conservative, it is still too early to determine who holds the upper hand in parliament. Amid the initial chaos, Paydari members, many of whom have previously served in the Majles, are capitalizing on the new MPs' lack of experience to assert control over the parliament.

However, he added that Paydari's inherent weaknesses will become apparent in the coming months if their primary strategy is to fan the flames of discord and infighting. Despite these weaknesses, they may still manage to wrest control from President Raisi and advance their own political agenda.

In an interview with the Shargh newspaper, Isa Zarepour remarked, "The same logic prevails even in countries that claim to uphold freedom of speech. Accepting a country's laws means abiding by them; otherwise, it's natural for restrictions to be enforced."

Zarepour claimed that Instagram played a “significant” role in amplifying the "riots" of 2022, referring to the widespread public protests which Iranian authorities consistently label as such. The protests were in response to the death of Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini, who died in police custody for allegedly defying hijab regulations, sparking the Woman Life Freedom movement.

He further stressed the necessity of regulating platforms that "do not adhere to their own rules and jeopardize national security."

Additionally, he defended his crackdown of internet usage during the 2022 uprisings, calling it one of the "good events" of his tenure, despite widespread reports of internet blackouts and the shutdown of SMS services during the anti-government protests.

The government's actions included cutting off access to major social media platforms like Instagram and WhatsApp and cracking down to social media criticism of the government with thousands already arrested for charges including threatening state security.

Zarepour called allegations of intentional disruptions by the Ministry of Communications unfounded.

According to the Freedom on the Net 2023 report by Freedom House, Iran ranks sixty-eighth out of seventy countries in internet freedom.

Since the 2022 uprising, not only have dissident voices been targeted but millions of Iranians have been plunged further into poverty as the platforms they relied on for e-commerce, especially small businesses in rural areas, have been cut off.