Lavish Burial Site of Iranian President Sparks Outrage

The editorial titled "Continuing Weaknesses" delves into a series of government oversights and the opaque handling of the crash details that have fueled public distrust.

Raisi and his companions died in a freak helicopter crash in East Azarbaijan province on Sunday, with the cause of the crash still undetermined.

Highlighting reports from Turkish journalists who arrived at the crash site ahead of official rescue teams and noting the presence of civilian motorcyclists at the scene before any official forces, the reformist Iranian newspaper underscored the chaotic and slow response to the incident.

The editorial questioned the feasibility of the overloaded helicopter choosing a hazardous mountainous route over a safer main road trajectory, suggesting “negligence” on the part of the flight planners.

The editorial concluded by lamenting the proliferation of rumors and the government's sluggish response, which has only served to deepen public suspicions and confusion.

Simultaneously, Jomhuri Eslami, a conservative outlet, speculated on the potential of a "foreign conspiracy" in the helicopter crash, specifically pointing to the proximity of the crash site to the Iran-Azerbaijan border and the alleged presence of Israeli military and intelligence infrastructure in Azerbaijan. The publication suggested that the unique circumstances of Raisi's helicopter being the only one of three to crash might indicate more than just an accident.

Jomhuri Eslami further explored scenarios including possible “sabotage or disruption of the helicopter’s radar and navigation systems,” intensifying the discourse around external involvement.

Before his interment at Iran's largest Shiite shrine in Mashhad, the northeastern city of his birth later on Thursday, a funeral service was conducted in the eastern city of Birjand. There, thousands of supporters gathered to pay their respects and bid farewell to a president whose legacy will remain one of brutality.

While some attendees, such as state employees and those fulfilling their compulsory military service, are usually required to be present, the absence of a spontaneous outpouring of public grief, as seen on some previous occasions, was notable.

Unlike the vast gatherings that mourned the death of Revolutionary Guard General Qasem Soleimani in 2020, following his killing in a US drone strike in Baghdad, the attendance at these ceremonies was far from the same scale, the president associated with a failed economy and a period of intensified and ever more brutal oppression since coming to the role in 2021.

Already, media in Tehran is publishing reports and analysis on the upcoming presidential election in June. Names of possible candidates and predictions of who has a better chance circulate. However, everyone within the regime or among the public know that the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and his loyalists largely control the electoral system.

Raisi himself was elected in a highly controlled vote, with all serious rivals barred from running against him, including former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and former Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani.

Three days of mourning ceremonies and politics

The initial procession commenced in Tabriz on Tuesday, following the helicopter crash near the Azerbaijan border over the weekend which also killed the foreign minister and six others.

Raisi's remains were transported from Tabriz, the nearest major city to the remote crash site, to Tehran airport before proceeding to the city of Qom, a Shiite religious center. From there, the journey continued back to the capital, where his casket lay in repose at Tehran's Grand Mosalla Mosque.

Abdolreza Davari, a former confidant of ex-president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, shared on social media that he estimated the attendance of mourners at approximately 5% of the population in Tabriz, 9% of the population in Qom, and 12% in Tehran, the latter only considering those over the age of 15 in the city. But there are no independent estimates. These numbers means lress than one 1.5 million people. Many Iranians on social media argued that attendance was much lower, in thousands or a few tens of thousands.

On Wednesday, accompanied by his delegation, Raisi's body was transferred to Azadi Square from Tehran University, where the Supreme Leader led prayers. Subsequently, a ceremony ensued in the presence of "high-ranking foreign delegations."

However, three former presidents—Mohammad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and Hassan Rouhani—were notably absent at Tehran's funeral. Despite sending messages of condolence for Raisi's death, they were not seen in photographs from the ceremony.

Khatami and Rouhani referred to Raisi as a "martyr" in their messages, having died during an official government trip, whereas Ahmadinejad, in alignment with the Supreme Leader, extended condolences without using the term "martyr."

In addition to refraining from labeling Raisi as a 'martyr,' analysts took notice of Khamenei's callous remarks regarding him and the country's future in the hours leading up to the announcement of Raisi's passing. "The Iranian people need not worry; there will be no disruptions in the country," Khamenei said with a cold demeanor. This reinforced the argument of critics who increasingly regard the Iranian presidency as more of a ceremonial post, with major decisions made in Khamenei's headquarters.

Leaders and officials from Iran’s allies and terror-affiliated groups were present at Wednesday's funeral ceremony in Tehran. Notably absent were Syrian President Bashar Assad and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

The absence of Western democratic leaders and dignitaries underscored Iran’s isolation on the global stage. Many democracies worldwide have imposed sanctions on Iran for its military support of Russia in the Ukraine conflict, its backing of terror groups, its nuclear program, and its dismal human rights record.

Meanwhile, the ceremony was attended by controversial Iran-backed terror group figures such as Naim Qassem, deputy secretary general of Lebanese Hezbollah, and Ismail Haniyeh, the political chief of Hamas.

In her comprehensive report to the UN General Assembly, Irene Khan, a prominent human rights advocate, detailed the extensive pressures these journalists face as part of Tehran's broader campaign to suppress dissenting voices globally.

Khan's findings reveal a trend of increased exile among journalists who flee their home countries to escape persecution and continue their work in an environment free from state interference.

“Fearing for their own safety or that of their families back home and struggling to survive financially and overcome the many challenges of living in a foreign country, many journalists eventually abandon their profession,” she said.

The situation for Persian-language journalists is particularly dire, with numerous reports of threats and physical attacks on individuals and their families. The case of Pouria Zeraati, a presenter for Iran International who was stabbed in London, alongside the IRGC's plots to assassinate two anchors from the same network in 2022 during anti-government protests in Iran, underscores the perilous circumstances faced by Iranian journalists abroad.

Khan's report calls on host countries to provide stronger legal protections, work permits, and more robust support mechanisms to safeguard the journalists' rights and well-being.

She emphasized the need for an international response that not only shields journalists from physical and digital threats but also ensures they can continue their crucial role in fostering transparency and accountability without fear of retribution from their home countries or their proxies.

The EU had previously committed to intensifying sanctions against Iran following last month's missile and drone attack on Israel, yet still hasn't designated the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization.

Iranian forces launched their first direct attack against Israeli territory on April 13 with more than 350 drones and cruise and ballistic missiles, 99% of which were intercepted by Israel and a US-led coalition. Iran had vowed to retaliate after Israel allegedly bombed its consulate in Syria earlier in the month.

In the months following the start of the Gaza war on October 7, the Iranian government avoided direct involvement in the conflict. Until last month, it had used its proxies to target Israeli and American targets in the region, punishing America for supporting Israel's right to defend itself following the most deadly day for Jews since the Holocaust. Over 1,200 people, mostly civilians, were killed and more than 250 were taken hostage.

A resolution adopted by the European Parliament last month following Iran's attack on Israel urged the EU to impose further sanctions against Tehran and deem the IRGC a terrorist organization.

EU Chief Josep Borrell's argument for not listing the IRGC is that the legal grounds have not been met. However, his claim has been dismissed by MEPs such as Charlie Weimers, a Swedish representative who called Borell “a liar” during last month's plenary debate in Strasbourg.

Last July, two MEPs stated that the IRGC could be listed without any legal obstacles under Article 1(4) of the "Common Position 2001/931/CFSP."

This point of view was also espoused by Iran's exiled prince Reza Pahlavi, citing a group of French-Iranian lawyers who held the view that the European Union does not have any legal obstacles to blacklisting the Revolutionary Guards.

In 2011, the EU first introduced a sanctions regime against Iran in response to serious human rights violations in the country. The restrictive measures have been renewed annually since then and were last extended until 13 April 2025.

Since the brutal suppression of 2022’s uprising, the ongoing support for Russia’s war on Ukraine and the actions of Iran’s proxy militias, the EU has drastically increased restrictive measures, adopting at least 10 packages of sanctions.

His claim contrasts the realities observed during Raisi's tenure, where dozens of professors were either dismissed or forcibly retired under a systematic suppression of academic freedom under his rule.

Compounding the situation, reports from the period detail the firing and enforced retirement of professors who did not align with the government’s ideologies. In several instances, affected professors took to publishing documents online that evidenced their dismissals or suspensions, bringing to light the oppressive tactics employed by Raisi’s administration.

Further underscoring the severity of government interference, the secretary of the union of Iran’s university professors announced earlier this month that the Ministry of Science had been effectively sidelined. According to the secretary, decision-making for Iranian universities had been usurped by various other state-controlled security entities.

Karen Abrinia remarked that government interventions at universities have alarmingly increased. Since the onset of the Woman, Life, Freedom protests in 2022, it is estimated that about 200 university professors have faced severe restrictions from pay freezes to being forced to sign apologies for supporting protests and pledging loyalty to the regime.