(From left) Former Iranian official Nouri, Swedish diplomat Johan Floders and Iranian-Swedish dual-national Saeed Azizi
The decision by the Swedish government to return Hamid Nouri, a convicted criminal against humanity, to Iran in exchange for hostages marks a dangerous precedent with far-reaching consequences.
This exchange, involving the release of Johan Floders, a Swedish diplomat, and Saeed Azizi, a dual-citizen, underscores Tehran’s mastery in leveraging “hostage diplomacy” to further its agenda.
Nouri was convicted for his role in the 1988 massacre of political prisoners, an event that saw thousands executed on the orders of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. His trial and subsequent convictionin Sweden were recognized as a significant step for international justice. However, his return to Iran in a political exchange undermines these achievements and could potentially embolden other regimes globally.
The decision by Sweden to acquiesce to Iran’s demands sends a message that hostage-taking can be perceived as an effective strategy. Sweden’s decision may encourage more kidnappings and unlawful detentions. This development could embolden not only Iran but also other regimes and organizations, demonstrating that democratic nations can be coerced into compromising their principles and judicial decisions. By negotiating Nouri’s return, Sweden has compromised the integrity of international justice and signaled that political considerations can override judicial outcomes.
Iranian government’s tactics are not new. Since its establishment, the clerical regime has shown a willingness to use extreme measures to achieve its goals, including the suppression of political dissidents and the use of state-sponsored violence. The 1988 massacre is one of the most egregious examples of this, with over 5,000 political prisoners executed in a matter of two months. By negotiating Nouri’s return, Sweden has not only failed the victims of these atrocities but also risked the safety of individuals and the stability of international relations.
A historical precedent that underscores the danger of such concessions is the Mykonos trial in Germany. On September 17, 1992, four Iranian-Kurdish dissidents were murdered. The court concluded that the highest levels of the Iranian government, including then-President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, had approved the assassinations. The trial also exposed the involvement of Iran's embassy in Germany and its diplomats, such as Seyed Hossein Mousavian. This trial highlighted the extent to which the Islamic Republic (IRI) would go to silence its opponents, even on foreign soil.
Despite the significant verdict in the Mykonos trial, Germany eventually sent back one of the convicted perpetrators, Darabi, to Iran after 15 years in prison. His return was celebrated by the government in Iran, where he was interviewed by state media and published a book. This action emboldened the IRI, leading to renewed threats against the Iranian diaspora and terrorist activities in Europe. This concession nullified the EU's agreement to halt such activities with Iran.
A glaring example of this renewed aggression was the case of Assadollah Assadi, an Iranian diplomat arrested on June 10, 2018, in Germany. Assadi was accusedof involvement in an attempted bombing at a gathering of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) in Villepinte, north of Paris. Although Assadi was entitled to diplomatic immunity in Austria, his country of posting, he did not have immunity on German soil. Despite Iran's objections, which claimed the detention violated international law and the 1961 Vienna Convention, Assadi was arrested while returning to Austria, highlighting ongoing concerns regarding state-sponsored terror activities.
Assadi was extradited to Belgium, where the conspiracy had been taking shape and eventually convicted, but in May 2023 Brussels decided to exchange him with another hostage. Iran released Belgian aid worker Olivier Vandecasteele, who had been incarcerated in Tehran for nearly 15 months.
This pattern of using hostage-taking as an act of terror was further exemplified on October 7, when Hamas, a group backed by the IRI, kidnapped more than 200 Israelis, including civilians, women, children, and the elderly, and took them to Gaza. This violation of the rules of combat shows the extent to which such groups are willing to go, knowing they can use innocent lives as bargaining chips in negotiations. This act underscores the dangerous precedent set by Sweden’s decision and the emboldening of regimes and organizations to continue such practices.
Sweden’s decision to return Hamid Nouri, despite his conviction for crimes against humanity, risks emboldening the IRI further. It indicates to other regimes that such activities might not face significant consequences. The Mykonos trial and subsequent events should have served as warnings and calls to action for stricter measures against state-sponsored terrorism. Yet, recent developments suggest that lessons from the past have not been fully heeded.
The international community must take a firm stance against hostage diplomacy. This involves refusing to negotiate with regimes that use such tactics, imposing stringent sanctions, and taking diplomatic action against them. Furthermore, democratic nations must collaborate to ensure that perpetrators of crimes against humanity face justice, regardless of political pressures. This means upholding the principles of universal jurisdiction and supporting judicial decisions made in good faith and through fair legal processes.
The opinions expressed by the author are not necessarily the views of Iran International
The wife of Ahmadreza Jalali, a political prisoner in Iran, has slammed the prisoner swap deal between Sweden and Iran which left her husband behind.
Speaking to Iran International, Vida Mehrannia labeled the recent prisoner exchange which saw the release of convicted Iranian war criminal Hamid Nouri in Sweden in return for two Swedish citizens imprisoned in Iran, as "ridiculous". Her Swedish-Iranian husband remains behind bars in Iran on charges of espionage, which he denies.
On Saturday, Sweden released former Iranian jailor Hamid Nouri who was serving a life sentence for his role in the 1988 mass executions in Iran, and Iran in turn released Swedish EU diplomat Johan Floderus and Swedish-Iranian citizen Saeid Azizi.
According to Mehrannia, her husband has been subjected to solitary confinement and intensified mistreatment as part of Tehran's strategy to leverage detained foreign nationals and dual citizens.
She told Iran International that authorities have failed to provide any substantial answers or efforts to secure Jalali's release. The family, along with their supporters, had no prior knowledge of the negotiations that led to the recent prisoner exchange, only learning about it through media reports.
Jalali was arrested in 2016. The case, purportedly a retaliation for his refusal to spy for Iran's Revolutionary Guard, led to a death sentence.
The political deputy of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps expressed concerns over the potential impact of low voter turnout in Iran's June 28 presidential election, attributing it to external threats.
"This issue encourages the enemy to create disturbances, meaning that when the enemy sees a low turnout, it is tempted to create challenges and can describe officials, whether in parliament or the government, as lacking popular support," stated Brigadier General Yadollah Javani.
He said that elections could either enhance Iran's strength or become a point of vulnerability: "Elections can lead to two outcomes; first, becoming a source of power generation, and second, becoming a source of challenge production."
The portrayal comes as recent elections in Iran, particularly the second round of the Parliamentary elections held in March, saw notably low participation, with only a small fraction of eligible voters in Tehran casting their ballots.
As the country prepares to hold a snap presidential election this month, such diminished electoral engagement has been largely attributed to a pervasive dissatisfaction with the political process, exacerbated by economic struggles and social restrictions that further alienate the public from the political establishment.
The situation was aggravated by the nationwide protests following the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody, which led to a crackdown resulting in over 500 deaths. These events starkly highlighted the government's repressive nature and deepened the sense of despair and disconnection from the state, prompting many Iranians to question the effectiveness of the electoral process as a means for achieving reform or influencing government policies.
Sweden's release of Hamid Nouri, a former Iranian official convicted of war crimes, in a prisoner exchange with the Islamic Republic, has sparked widespread backlash and public protests.
Adding to the public outrage is the fact that Sweden left behind Ahmadreza Jalali, an Iranian-Swedish scientist sentenced to death in Iran after a sham trial lacking due process. In exchange for Nouri, Iran released two other de facto hostages.
Immediately after the news broke on Saturday, Iranians in Sweden converged outside the foreign ministry in Stockholm to voice their indignation, including Djalali's wife Vida Mehrannia. The gathering underscored a broader international reaction that casts a shadow over Sweden's prisoner exchange with Iran.
Prominent Iranian opposition figure Prince Reza Pahlavi criticized the Swedish Prime Minister's decision to release Hamid Nouri, calling it "an affront to the rule of law, human rights, and basic decency." He condemned the move as "feckless appeasement" of Iran's criminal regime, arguing that it failed to save all hostages and would only encourage more hostage-taking and blackmail.
Alireza Akhondi, a Swedish politician from the Center Party, criticized the Swedish Prime Minister's government as "irresponsible" for "abandoning Ahmadreza Djalali." Akhondi described the release of Nouri as an "insult to Sweden's judicial system" and a "cruel blow" to Djalali's family. He suggested that the timing of the prisoner swap was deliberately delayed until after the European Parliament elections to avoid losing votes.
Hamed Esmaeilion, a prominent Canadian Iranian activist and representative of the Association of Families of Flight PS752 Victims, condemned the exchange as a "shameful stain" on Sweden, labeling it as complicity with a regime known for its hostage-taking tactics. "Today justice has been trampled upon," Esmaeilion expressed on social media, highlighting the emotional toll on families affected by Nouri's past atrocities.
In 2022, a Swedish court sentenced Nouri to life imprisonment following his conviction of war crimes for his role in the mass execution of political prisoners in Iran in 1988. Nouri served as the deputy prosecutor of Gohardasht prison in Karaj city near Tehran in 1988, according to the Swedish court. He was arrested at Stockholm airport in 2019 during his visit to Sweden, under the principle of universal jurisdiction.
Iranian Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi echoed similar sentiments, criticizing the move as detrimental to the cause of justice.
Journalist and rights activist Masih Alinejad further emphasized that the extradition represents a betrayal of human rights.
“It is a profound betrayal of human rights and a grievous affront to the efforts of justice-seeking families from the 1980s who strive to hold these criminals accountable. This action disregards Sweden’s independent judiciary, which rightfully sentenced this criminal to life imprisonment, and emboldens and strengthens a bloodthirsty regime,” she wrote.
Athena Daemi, another human rights activist, remarked on the predictability of Nouri's release, criticizing European nations for facilitating such exchanges at the expense of standing firm against the Islamic Republic's abuses.
As Nouri returned to Iran in exchange for two Swedish citizens, EU Foreign Policy Chief Josep Borrell expressed relief over the Swedes' release while thanking Oman for its mediation.
Yet, the broader implications of this swap continue to stir controversy and debate about the ethics of negotiating with regimes accused of severe human rights violations.
Critics argue that such swaps might undermine international legal standards by effectively rewarding countries that detain foreigners on dubious grounds. The return of Nouri, in particular, raises ethical questions about the implications of negotiating with governments accused of severe human rights violations.
The United States last year released around $6 billion in Iran's frozen funds to secure the release of five dual nationals arrested on trumped-up charges and held in Iran. That arrangement raised strong public criticism about rewarding hostage taking.
The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) said on Saturday the crew of a Palau-flagged cargo ship had been evacuated and the ship was on fire and sinking, referring to an incident that happened 98 nautical miles east of Yemen's Aden on June 13.
Missiles fired by Yemen's Houthi militants struck the Verbena in the Gulf of Aden on Thursday, sparking a fire and severely injuring one of its crew, U.S. Central Command said.
The Iran-allied Houthis have launched dozens of attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea region since November for what they say is solidarity with Palestinians in the war between Israel and Hamas.
The attacks began after Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei urged Muslim nations to blockade Israel's trade routes. The United States and Britain have launched air strikes against Houthi military targets since January, but the militant group receiving arms and support from Iran has continued its campaign.
The Houthi campaign in the Red Sea region has disrupted global shipping, cascading delays and costs through supply chains. The militants have sunk one ship, seized another vessel and killed three seafarers in separate attacks.
Iran's Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, called for increased voter participation in the snap presidential elections on June 28, amidst growing concerns about voter apathy and the overall legitimacy of the electoral process.
"Elections are very important, strive to increase participation, and choose wisely based on who has the capability to work according to the criteria of the revolution," Khamenei stated during a Saturday meeting with a group of so-called young elites.
Despite Khamenei's push for greater electoral engagement, the pervasive atmosphere is one of disillusionment. The Guardian Council, appointed by Khamenei, has extensively disqualified numerous candidates, leaving a narrow field overwhelmingly composed of his staunch supporters. Out of six candidates running, five are ardent followers of Khamenei, while the sole candidate with moderate leanings has also demonstrated loyalty to him on national television.
Voter participation in tightly controlled elections has gradually fallen since 2020, when Khamenei's hardline supporters began disqualifying hundreds of other regime loyalists from parliamentary and presidential elections.
The restrictions, coupled with economic struggles and crackdowns on protestors, have deepened public skepticism about the elections. Many Iranians view the process as heavily orchestrated, offering little in terms of political choice or the prospect of meaningful change. The political landscape within the Islamic Republic remains controlled, and with such a list of candidates, few voters see the upcoming elections as a true opportunity to influence the country’s direction.