Canada's Designation of IRGC Receives Worldwide Praise

"The Canadian Government's action stands in stark contrast to the weakness of the Albanese Government which has failed to take any action in listing the IRGC as a terrorist organisation in Australia," a joint statement published by lawmakers Claire Chandler, Simon Birmingham and James Paterson read.

The group are among many in Australia campaigning to designate the group while governments around the world have tried to simply sanction the IRGC in a bid to appease Iran amid its ongoing nuclear program. The US designated the IRGC in 2019.

Australian-Iranian rights group Ausiran sent a letter to Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong urging the government to acknowledge the IRGC's role in "sponsoring and engaging in terrorist activities", emphasizing their threat to global security and the safety of Australian citizens.

"Ausiran calls upon the Government to prioritize the safety and security of Australian citizens and to promote global peace by joining our allies in designating the IRGC as a terrorist organization," the letter said.

The Australian Jewish Association (AJA) reiterated their call for Australia to designate the IRGC, emphasizing its global role in terrorism with dozens plots foiled in the last two years on Jewish and Israeli targets globally.

"The IRGC is the largest sponsor and facilitator of terrorism worldwide, impacting victims from Yemen to Ukraine. They coordinate hostility against Israel," stated AJA CEO Robert Gregory. "Their actions result in casualties among our allies, including US soldiers in the Middle East, while they oppress and imprison the Iranian people."

Hosseini said, "The Americans want gas pump prices to be low and therefore allow Iran to increase its supply." However, former foreign minister Javad Zarif said earlier this week that the US government allowed Iran to break sanctions and export oil in the last three years.

The Iranian hardliners claim credit for the current government's ability to sell more oil despite sanctions, touting their strategies and "energy diplomacy." However, statistics and expert analyses suggest that the increase in oil exports is more attributable to decisions by the White House not to enforce sanctions.

With the US approaching elections, there is a strong need for low gasoline prices to gain votes, providing Iran with an opportunity to boost its oil production, claimed Hosseini.

However, Iran's oil exports, almost all to China, began to increase after a huge drop in 2019-2020, when Joe Biden was elected president in November 2020. Candidate Biden had promised to reverse President Donald Trump's decision to leave the JCPOA nuclear deal and impose sanctions on Iran.

Iran's crude output has risen to approximately 3.6 million barrels per day (b/d), according to the country's oil minister, Javad Owji, the highest production levels since sanctions were reimposed on Tehran's oil sector.

"Our oil production, which was 2.1 million b/d at the beginning of our time in office [in September 2021], has reached 3.6 million b/d," Owji stated during a presentation to the Iranian parliament on Wednesday.

Iran's Acting President Mohammad Mokhber also said Thursday that the country's oil sales capacity had been less than 300,000 b/d when Raisi took office but rose to about 1,800,000 b/d in less than a year and a half.

The additional output and exports to China, which are around 1.3 million barrels a day, generate around $37 billion a year for Iran. Although it is not clear if China pays all cash for the oil or exports good to Iran, the income is the main lifeline for Iran's battered economy.

The reasons for the revival in exports have been debated, with some attributing it to more relaxed enforcement of sanctions by the US, and others to Iran's improved methods of circumvention.

The debate has even become a point of contention among Iranian presidential candidates as they gear up for the country's snap election on June 28.

Conservative candidates and hardliners largely attribute the boost in exports to their own methods of evasion with Raisi administration officials repeatedly pointing to their success in raising exports.

But the 'reformist' camp refutes those claims, with former Foreign Minister Javad Zarif rejecting the conservative narrative on state television on June 18.

"They [hardliners] said 'we taught them how to sell oil.' Not at all," Zarif stated. "When Biden took office, his policy was to loosen the screw. Wait until Trump returns to office, and then we can see what [the hardliners] say."

He also argued that the Biden administration was willing to return to the nuclear deal that former President Donald Trump unilaterally withdrew from in 2018. However, according to Zarif, the opportunity was squandered due to pressure from both Israel and Iranian hardliners, who pushed the government to escalate the nuclear crisis.

Spokesman Nasser Kanani said Iran reserves the right to respond “proportionately.”

"The IRGC, an institution integral to Iran's national security, derives its legitimacy from the Iranian constitution," Kanani asserted while emphasizing the IRGC's role in safeguarding Iran's borders and combating terrorism regionally.

The IRGC was designated as a terrorist organization by Canada under its criminal code, enabling law enforcement to charge those supporting the group financially or materially. Thousands of senior Iranian government officials, including top IRGC officials, will now be prohibited from entering Canada as a result of the decision and those there are now at risk of arrest.

Due to potential retribution concerns and amid Iran's policy of diplomatic hostage taking, Canada has advised its citizens and dual nationals to leave Iran.

The IRGC is a significant military, political, and economic entity in Iran, working under the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei with over 190,000 active personnel across ground forces, navy, and air force units.

Plots such as assassinations and kidnappings by the group have been uncovered globally from South America to Europe.

"The decision to list the IRGC through the Criminal Code listing regime sends a strong message that Canada will use all tools at its disposal to combat the terrorist activity of the IRGC, conducted both unilaterally and in knowing association with listed terrorist entities such as Hizballah and Hamas," the Canadian government statement said.

Ramezan Sharif emphasized that the IRGC would remain neutral and abstain from supporting or opposing any candidate but while the IRGC officially denies fielding candidates in Iran's upcoming presidential snap elections, the majority of contenders appear to maintain close ties with the organization.

Even when the president is not affiliated with the IRGC, its influence remains profound. Former President Hassan Rouhani famously dubbed the IRGC a "shadow government with guns," lamenting its extensive control over political, military, and economic realms.

He once characterized them as “a government wielding both military might and media dominance, possessing an unrivaled grasp on power, leaving little room for challengers.”

This election cycle underscores the IRGC's pervasive influence, as evidenced by the strong connections of most of the six hand-picked presidential candidates to the organization through personal relationships or their staff affiliations.

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf's association with the IRGC dates back to his youth. He officially joined the IRGC at 19 in 1980 and served until 2005.

He has held various high-ranking positions within the IRGC, including serving as deputy commander of the Basij, leading the Khatam Al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters, and commanding the IRGC Air Force.

During Ghalibaf's tenure leading the IRGC Air Force, clashes emerged with the Army over land seizures. Ghalibaf's forces resorted to violence, resulting in the death of an army soldier.

As Speaker of Parliament, Ghalibaf furthered IRGC's economic interests. In one instance, he reportedly replaced the head of the Central Bank to facilitate IRGC financing during Ebrahim Raisi's presidency in 2023.

In a leaked audio recording from February 2022, conversations among senior Revolutionary Guard generals surfaced, shedding light on a significant corruption scandal. The discussions implicated Ghalibaf during his tenure as Tehran's mayor.

The funds at issue were primarily allocated to the Quds Force, the IRGC's clandestine overseas operations unit, which wields huge economic power in Iran. Still, they became entangled in transactions between the municipality and Yas Holding, an IRGC's Cooperatives Foundation subsidiary engaged in services, dealerships, and subcontracting within the housing sector.

Throughout his term, he oversaw the enactment of the Strategic Action Law to Lift Sanctions and Safeguard Iran's National Interests in the parliament. This law compelled aggressive measures to expedite Iran's nuclear program and limit International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) oversight.

In March, Amir Ali Hajizadeh, the IRGC's Aerospace Division commander, praised Ghalibaf's pivotal role in establishing IRGC missile sites, hailing him as "revolutionary" and "indefatigable." He emphasized the need for "jihadist managers" like Ghalibaf in the country's economy.

Ghalibaf's potential presidency would mark the first time a former senior career commander of the IRGC assumes the position under Khamenei. His presidency would likely safeguard IRGC interests in the event of Khamenei's passing during his tenure at 85 years old.

Alireza Zakani

Although not a military figure like Ghalibaf, Alireza Zakani is well-known for his role in leading the IRGC’s Student Basij Organization (SBO).

Alireza Zakani has held various prominent positions within the Islamic Republic, including leading the SBO, serving as a member of parliament, presiding over the Parliament’s Research Center, and currently holding the position of mayor of Tehran.

Renowned for his conservative ideology and often referred to as the "revolutionary tank," Zakani is re-entering the presidential race after withdrawing his candidacy in 2021 to endorse Ebrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash last month.

He is subject to UK sanctions due to allegations of serious human rights abuses in Iran.

While not donning a military uniform, Zakani, who served as Ghalibaf’s campaign manager during his unsuccessful presidential bid in 2005, aimed to govern Tehran with military-like tactics, evidenced by his establishment of IRGC and Basij-led camps in the city.

He has also received support from figures like General Esmaeil Kosari, a former IRGC commander and current member of parliament, in controversial decisions like building mosques in parks.

Lotfollah Forouzandeh leads Zakani's election campaign. Forouzandeh is currently Tehran’s municipality deputy for financial affairs. His appointment raised concerns about the misuse of municipal resources for personal political gain.

Forouzandeh held positions such as commander and deputy in the IRGC until 1992; he is also recognized as one of the founders of the Society of Devotees of the Islamic Revolution, a group composed of former Iran-Iraq war commanders who have wielded significant influence in elections since the early 2000s. This group notably contributed to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's rise to power in the Tehran Municipality and the presidency.

Saeed Jalili

Saeed Jalili earned the moniker "a living martyr" following the loss of one of his legs during the Iran-Iraq War while serving in SBO.

Throughout his career, Jalili has held many significant roles, from the Office of the Supreme Leader to Iran's Foreign Ministry and the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC).

These positions include leading Iran’s Foreign Ministry’s Inspection Office, heading the Foreign Ministry’s US Affairs Office, serving as a senior director in Khamenei’s office, deputy foreign minister for European and American Affairs, secretary of the SNSC, and subsequently, the supreme leader’s personal representative on the SNSC.

Jalili, although aligned with the fundamentalist faction, lacks clear organizational ties with the Revolutionary Guards akin to figures like Ghalibaf or Zakani.

A leaked audio revealed that former IRGC Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani was discontent with Jalili's management style. However, IRGC-affiliated media outlets, such as Fars, Tasnim, and Javan, as well as Ofoq TV, have maintained a favorable relationship with Jalili.

Mohsen Mansouri, who is leading Jalili's campaign, has strong ties with the IRGC. As the governor of Tehran province and the head of the province's security council, he appointed IRGC commanders to critical positions. Mansouri also directed resources to the IRGC in his capacity within Jalili's campaign, appointing Rahim Aghdam, a Quds Force commander and associate of Qassem Soleimani, to the team.

Mostafa Pourmohammadi

Mostafa Pourmohammadi, the only cleric approved to run for the presidency in 2024, is notorious among Iranians for his role alongside Raisi on the Death Commission, which sanctioned the execution of thousands of political prisoners in 1988.

He has maintained a positive relationship with the IRGC and even appointed an active IRGC commander to governmental positions.

Pourmohammadi served as a cabinet minister in Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's first administration. One of his initial appointments was Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, then deputy commander of the IRGC, as his deputy.

Pourmohammadi reportedly revealed electoral irregularities to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei without Ahmadinejad’s knowledge, leading to his dismissal as interior minister in 2008.

Subsequently, he stood in defense of the IRGC against Ahmadinejad's criticisms.

In 2011, when Ahmadinejad referred to the IRGC's illicit activities with the term "Smuggler Brothers" and mentioned illegal docks. Mostafa Pourmohammadi, then head of the General Inspection Organization, asserted that no illegal docks existed in the country.

Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi

Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, a trained physician and former member of parliament, served on its presidium and as the first deputy speaker. He ran for the presidency in 2021 but was unsuccessful. Subsequently, Ebrahim Raisi appointed him as vice president and head of the Martyrs and Veterans Affairs Foundation. This Iranian parastatal organization is sanctioned for channeling financial resources to terrorist groups, notably Hezbollah.

As head of the Martyrs and Veterans Affairs Foundation, Ghazizadeh Hashemi naturally maintained business relations with the IRGC’s Quds Force.

Mohammad Reza Mirshamsi, who leads Ghazizadeh Hashemi's election headquarters, is a relatively lesser-known figure with a history of serving as the political deputy at Imam Hossein University, an institution affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards.

Masoud Pezeshkian

Masoud Pezeshkian is the only ‘reformist’ candidate allowed to participate in this election. A heart surgeon by profession, he previously served as the health minister in Mohammad Khatami's administration.

Though he appears to have fewer connections to the Revolutionary Guards than others, he, along with Ghazizadeh Hashemi, wore the IRGC uniform alongside fellow parliamentarians in solidarity with the IRGC a day after then-US President Donald Trump designated the IRGC as a terrorist organization.

In December 2022, during a university lecture, he responded to a student criticizing his choice to wear the IRGC uniform by stating, "Without the IRGC, this country would have been divided, and our work would have ended."

Zarif emerged from a three-year period of relative silence and stepped into the political arena to support the only candidate among six hand-picked individuals, who is known as a relative moderate, or a politician who does not belong to any hardliner group.

Journalist Reza Ghobeishavi wrote that "Zarif's involvement has taken the presidential campaigns into a new phase," adding, "This was the real debate, not what happened last night," referring to a largely uneventful TV debate among the six candidates.

In the interview, Zarif embarrassed the hardline participants by revealing their actions to obstruct negotiations between Iran and the United States during the final six months of the Rouhani administration in 2021.

Social media researcher Mohammad Rahbari also mentioned "a new phase in the campaigns," and added a graphic that showed Google search trends highlighting that Zarif's presence attracted more attention than all the news about conservative Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and ultraconservative Saeed Jalili, who are believed to be Pezeshkian's main rivals in the election.

Meanwhile, in an ironic post on X, Rahbari presented another graphic about the mood on Iranian social media before Monday night's debate and wrote: "The general mood before the debate favors Jalili, but the winner of the election is not supposed to be named by Internet robots."

He added: "There are three different views on the subject in Twitter (X):Jalili's supporters who simultaneously work against both Ghalibaf and Pezeshkian (27 percent). This comes while Ghalibaf's supporters comprise only 10 percent of the network in the graphic. The advocates of regime change, and other opposition groups form some 25 percent of the network. They mainly criticize Pezeshkian and call for boycotting the election. The revolutionaries (hardliners) hold only 5 percent of the network of reactions to the debate."

Since late Monday night, thousands of social media users in Iran harshly criticized all of the six candidates for their dull discussions, obnoxious appearance and the banality of Tehran Mayor Zakani's verbal attacks on the other candidates. Many pointed out that the real winner of the debate was conservative cleric Mostafa Pourmohammadi who was neatly dressed and spoke wisely and hesitantly as well as being the only one of the six men who had a real plan devoid of hollow slogans for presidency.

Iranian lawyer Mohammad Ali Bahmani Qajar opined that "The possibility of Pezeshkian's presidency looks like a mirage," and added that "the candidate’s supporters belong to one of the following six groups: Reformist journalists and those who work for reformist organizations and are simply fulfilling their organizational responsibility; those who have political projects to work on; people with ethnic interests; those who wish to fan the election mood; reformists who look forward to getting jobs in Pezeshkian's government, and the simpletons who believe a reformist president can change something in the system.

Many reformists criticized Qajar and said that he was too biased against reformists and Mr. Pezeshkian.

Very few social media users commented on a report that quoted former lawmaker Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh who had said that "Russia is seeking to exert its influence on the Iranian presidential elections." However, they mainly cracked jokes about who could be Russia's favorite candidate.

Social media researcher Mehdi Yahyanejad wrote: "It was a big risk by the reformists to support Pezeshkian. There is still no indication that he would be able to lend a momentum to the campaigns."

The lack of momentum that Yayanejad mentioned may have been reversed by Zarif's fiery attack on conservatives and hardliners on Tuesday.