The US has been criticized for a lack of enforcement of the Mahsa Amini Human Rights and Security Accountability Act (MAHSA Act) three months after it was passed, sanctioning Iran's leadership.
Despite the MAHSA Act being signed into law in April, the US administration has yet to submit the required report outlining potential sanctions on the key Iranian entities and officials it was aimed to target, including the Supreme Leader.
As the 90-day deadline is set to pass, Jason Brodsky, Policy Director at United Against Nuclear Iran, wrote on X, "Today a determination was due by the Biden administration for sanctions under the MAHSA Act which the president signed into law in April. I haven't seen any. Where is it?"
The National Union for Democracy in Iran (NUFDI), a lobbying group for Iranian-Americans, said, "Its timely implementation is crucial to addressing ongoing human rights violations and ensuring that those responsible are held accountable."
The MAHSA Act, a bipartisan piece of human rights and anti-terrorism legislation, marked the first time the United States imposed sanctions specifically targeting the Iranian leadership for domestic suppression, crimes against humanity, and international terrorism.
The legislation was named after Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old Iranian-Kurdish woman arrested in Tehran for improperly wearing her compulsory hijab and who died in police custody after collapsing in court. Her death has become a symbol of the Woman Life Freedom uprising.
NUFDI called on the Biden administration to "promptly address the issue" as rights abuses continue. Last year, Iran executed over 850 people, record numbers, while in the wake of the 2022 uprising, tens of thousands of political prisoners have been jailed.
Over 550 Iranians were killed in the wake of Amini's death as the government cracked down on the country's biggest threat to its legitimacy since the founding of the Islamic Republic in 1979.
Sarah Raviani, a visiting fellow at NUFDI highlighted the bill's "overwhelming bipartisan support".
"We urge the Biden administration to make this determination and sanction the Islamic Republic leaders who are responsible for gross human rights abuses and for supporting terrorism that wreaks havoc across the entire Middle East," she said.
The MAHSA Act mandates sanctions on Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, his Office, his appointees, Iran’s president, and several entities affiliated with Khamenei. It also requires the US President to report to Congress annually on whether these officials should remain under existing sanctions, making it more challenging for current and future administrations to lift the sanctions unilaterally.
The complaint, submitted on behalf of Salehi's family, accuses the Iranian government of a disregard for international legal obligations and basic human rights.
Since his initial arrest in October 2022, Salehi has faced continuous harassment and shifting charges due to his outspoken music supporting the uprising of Iranian women in the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, and calling for greater freedoms.
"The authorities are abusing judicial procedures to attempt to silence him and keep him locked away," stated Caoilfhionn Gallagher KC, international counsel for Salehi’s family, Index on Censorship, and the Human Rights Foundation.
"Salehi’s continuing detention is arbitrary and unlawful. He should be immediately and unconditionally released."
Salehi has suffered physical torture, including a broken arm and leg, and has been held incommunicado for nearly 300 days without access to family or legal representation. Despite his brief release on bail in November 2023, he was rearrested shortly after and denied medical treatment for his injuries.
In April 2024, Salehi was sentenced to death for "corruption on earth," a charge stemming from his vocal criticism of the government after the death in morality police custody of Mahsa Amini. She was arrested for not wearing “proper” mandatory hijab.
Although the death sentence was overturned by Iran's Supreme Court on June 22, Salehi remains imprisoned, facing new charges of “propaganda against the system and insulting sacred values.”
The Iranian government’s use of arbitrary detention, torture, and executions to silence dissent is well-documented. Salehi's cousin, Arezou Eghbali Babadi, condemned the authorities' tactics.
"Despite the overturning of Toomaj's death sentence, authorities aim to keep him imprisoned long-term," he said. "These actions are part of an ongoing strategy of targeting the innocent lives of all Iranians fighting for democracy and justice."
Negin Niknaam, Salehi's friend and social media manager, accused the government of "fabricating cases and making baseless charges" against the musician.
"Since the Islamic Republic was unable to execute him [Salehi] following global outrage, it is now attempting to keep him in prison or pressuring him into silence," he said.
Jemimah Steinfeld, CEO of Index on Censorship, appealed to Iran's new president, positioned as a moderate, to act: "The ongoing persecution of Toomaj Salehi is a stain on Iran. These new charges and the ill treatment he has received are an affront to basic human rights. We implore him to free Toomaj Salehi and indeed all others wrongfully imprisoned for exercising their free speech rights."
Legal experts have highlighted the crackdowns on freedom of expression since the uprising began in 2022, which has included the arrest of artists from musicians, actors and film makers, in addition to a plethora of other professionals and activists.
"Art is a human right, and supporting gender equality is not a crime," said Claudia Bennett, a legal and programs officer at the Human Rights Foundation.
An icon of the protest movement which has seen tens of thousands of dissidents jailed and last year alone, over 850 executions, she said Salehi has been made an example of amid the uprising.
"The Iranian regime knows the impact he has on the Iranian people and is willing to do whatever it takes to keep him in detention. But enough is enough," she added.
The complaint to the UNWGAD follows an Urgent Appeal filed with two United Nations Special Rapporteurs on behalf of Salehi's family.
On the evening of Monday, July 15, Ahmadinejad and his entourage prepared to travel to Zanjan for the Muharram religious mourning ceremony. Following a routine procedure, his chief security officer inspected Ahmadinejad's primary vehicle, a Toyota Land Cruiser, and complained about the still-malfunctioning air conditioner, requesting Ahmadinejad to use another car.
According to Iran International sources, approximately a quarter of the way along the Karaj-Qazvin Highway, the driver of the Toyota Land Cruiser carrying Ahmadinejad's associates and bodyguards suddenly lost control of both the steering and brakes.
The out-of-control Toyota spun three times in high-speed traffic, veered left and right twice, hit the central barrier, and collided with another vehicle in Ahmadinejad's convoy. It then struck the barrier again before stopping after hitting a Peugeot car.
A passenger in the Peugeot sustained injuries and was transported to the hospital. Fortunately, the injuries were minor, and the individual was discharged after outpatient treatment.
Two days before the trip, Ahmadinejad's security team had submitted his primary vehicle, the Toyota Land Cruiser, to the relevant unit within the presidential institution for repairs due to a malfunctioning air conditioner.
According to Iran International sources, after being handed over to the presidential institution, Ahmadinejad's Toyota Land Cruiser was seized by "special security agents" and taken to an undisclosed location instead of the usual repair shop.
Sources told Iran International that the vehicle was sabotaged before being returned to Ahmadinejad's security team, with the false claim that the air conditioner had been repaired.
Security team members protecting high-ranking officials, including Ahmadinejad, are a unit within the IRGC, known as the Ansar-al-Mahdi Protection Corps. This corps is a subset of the IRGC Intelligence Protection Organization, currently led by Brigadier General Fathollah Jomeiri, who also commands the Ansar-al-Mahdi Protection Corps.
Iran International sources did not specify which organization the "special security agents" who took the car away belonged to. However, given the organizational structure, high-ranking members of one of three IRGC subdivisions—the IRGC Intelligence Organization, the IRGC Protection and Intelligence Organization, or the IRGC Vali-e-Amr Corps—have the authority to retrieve Ahmadinejad's vehicle from the presidential repair unit without coordinating with the Ansar Protection Corps and without raising security concerns, enabling them to carry out the alleged sabotage.
Ahmadinejad registered to run in this year's presidential election, but the Guardian Council, an unelected body, disqualified him. He did not support any candidates.
Reports from Iranian websites, including Ahmadinejad’s affiliated Dolat Bahar, show that he traveled to Zanjan in July, with numerous images documenting his presence during the mourning sessions. He can be seen in a white Toyota Land Cruiser, which differs from the primary vehicle involved in the accident.
According to Iran International’s sources, five days after the failed assassination attempt, Ahmadinejad's office notified the "responsible authorities" about the incident and lodged complaints regarding previous attacks.
There have been prior indications of attempts on his life.
Last year, Dolat Bahar's Telegram channel reported that Ahmadinejad’s office had sent a letter to senior military and security officials, warning of concerning activities targeting him and requesting protective measures and action against those responsible.
In 2023, Ahmad Alirezabeigi, a lawmaker from Tabriz, revealed to Didban Iran (Iran Monitor) website in Tehran that members of former President Ahmadinejad's office have persistently maintained a heightened state of vigilance concerning potential threats against him.
In March 2021, domestic media reported that Ahmadinejad, in response to a query, declared, "The threat of my assassination is genuine. They would orchestrate my death, conduct the mourning rituals, and subsequently blame others. I have documented my information and secured it in several safe locations."
The government spokesperson declared last week that Iranian citizens could now import used foreign cars without any restrictions, sparking initial excitement among the media and the public. However, as the details of the plan unfolded, the enthusiasm quickly dissipated.
Stringent restrictions undermine the policy
The regulations accompanying the plan revealed a series of restrictions that cast doubt on the feasibility of the new policy. Among them were stipulations that the cars must be between 3 to 5 years old, have an engine capacity limited to 2500 cc, and must not be imported from the United States. Additionally, imported cars could not be sold for five years. Most critically, the foreign currency used for the purchases had to come from "profits from exports or foreign investment."
Economic realities and ‘hypocrisy’
Currently, the cheapest domestic car costs between $7,500 to $10,000, while the majority of imported cars are low-quality Chinese models priced as high as European or Japanese cars. For instance, a Cherry Tiggo 8 Pro Max SUV costs $50,000. Other Chinese cars, like the Lamari EAMA produced by Dongfeng Liuzhou Motor, assembled in Iran, sell for $31,000. Brands like Great Wall Motors, Baic, FAW, and JAC also import parts for assembly, with prices ranging from $20,000 to $40,000.
Farhad, a Tehran resident, speaking to Iran International, said the move would not benefit Iranians. We cannot reveal his full name due to security reasons. "We cannot say this move benefits the people. Due to sanctions, they [government] can't access oil money from China, forcing them to import Chinese cars. This new policy will not benefit individuals and is hypocritical.”
Impractical requirements for foreign currency
Ahmad Aghaei, the Deputy Minister of Transportation, clarified that the currency needed for purchasing the cars must originate from abroad and be approved by the Central Bank, limiting those with access to benefit from the new policy.
"The importer must have a foreign currency account or currency outside the country to buy the car. Those who have their currency within the country will face restrictions from the Central Bank for sending the currency out of the country," he added. This requirement further limits the average Iranian's ability to benefit from the policy highlighting the plan's impracticality.
Public outcry and media criticism
In conversations with Iran International, many Iranians dismissed the plan as deceptive. “It is a lie. If you want to import a car, you have to export goods. How many people have the ability to export in order to afford a car?” said Mahmoud from Karaj.
The Iranian news agency Tabnak also pointed out the “deceptive” nature of the plan, stating that the regulations only benefit a small group of exporters, reinforcing the monopolistic market of state-owned car manufacturers.
Financial struggles of domestic manufacturers
In February, the Minister of Industry, Mine, and Trade, Abbas Aliabadi, called for more funds for the country’s two main government-controlled automakers: Iran Khodro and SAIPA. These companies face financial difficulties due to high inflation, and despite government claims, car prices have risen in the market over the past year.
Iranian auto industry experts report that state-owned carmakers are incurring daily losses of $3.7 million, totaling over one billion dollars annually, a direct result of government interventions in the auto industry. The quality of domestically produced cars is also a significant concern, with majority of road deaths in Iran involving drivers of these low-quality vehicles.
According to economic journalist Arash Hassan-Nia, Iran Khodro and Saipa are nearly bankrupt, with around $2.5 billion in accumulated losses. “Due to their managerial and ownership structures, they are unable to improve the quality of their current products,” he earlier told Iran International.
The car mafia and election politics
Ali Khosravani, vice president of the Tehran Automobile Dealers Union, previously highlighted the role of the "car mafia" in Iran, which he described as the main obstacle to new entrants in the car market. This shadowy group maintains a tight grip on the market, further complicating any genuine reform efforts.
During the presidential election debates, president-elect Masoud Pezeshkian questioned why Iranians should be forced to drive substandard cars under the guise of supporting national production.
His rival, Saeed Jalili, made a controversial claim in response saying that “People in Russia wait six months in queues for the Iranian-made Samand vehicle,” a claim ridiculed on social media.
Many now say that the recent decision to import second-hand cars is another “propaganda efforts in the final days of the Raisi government, adding one more item to their list of achievements.”
A slogan with no substance
The new car import regulations in Iran, while initially promising, reveal a complex web of restrictions and inconsistencies that ultimately leave the monopolistic market of state-owned car manufacturers intact. The majority of Iranian citizens remain unable to benefit from the changes, highlighting the gap between government promises and the harsh economic realities on the ground.
Observers believe that the promotion of "one car import for every single Iranian" is clearly a “populist” slogan, as few people have the financial means to import a car, leaving the public disillusioned once again.