Accused Iranian hackers successfully peddle stolen Trump emails

After two decades of alienating the majority of Iranians—leading over 61% of eligible voters to abstain from the June 2024 presidential election—some within the system now appear to be considering a revival of pre-2005 traditional conservatism.

A report from the centrist website Entekhab noted on Wednesday that the current structure of Iran’s conservative camp appears disjointed, especially after their defeat in the July presidential election, which saw the election of non-factional candidate Masoud Pezeshkian with the backing of “reformist” groups.

Since the disputed 2009 election, which secured ultraconservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s second term, conservatives have attempted to present a unified front ahead of every parliamentary and presidential election. However, these attempts repeatedly fractured, and if not for interventions from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and the Guardian Council, the reformist camp might have reclaimed power.

This infighting has steadily diminished the conservative camp, particularly over the past 11 years since pragmatist Hassan Rouhani’s presidency. What remains is a core group of 100 to 160 ultraconservative politicians, primarily linked to the Paydari Party, who advocate for a non-democratic Islamic government rather than the Islamic Republic's semi-democratic structure.

Their ranks have now dwindled to fewer than 80 parliament members and a handful of others in appointed roles, such as those in the Expediency Council.

According to Entekhab, “moderate” conservatives now hold the upper hand in Iranian politics, with Majles Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf leading efforts to restore the conservative camp to its pre-2005 stance. The report noted that Ghalibaf has actively worked to limit the influence of Paydari members within the Majles.

This narrative, however, is questionable. To secure his role as Speaker, Ghalibaf maneuvered between Paydari members, other conservatives, and a few pro-reform MPs, ultimately winning the position with votes from the latter. By spring 2024, Paydari had dwindled to just over 60 members, marking one of its lowest points in popularity and membership.

President Pezeshkian disclosed on the day of the Majles vote for his cabinet in August that it was, in fact, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—not Ghalibaf—who ensured that all ministers received the necessary vote of confidence from parliament.

Over the past 20 years, especially during Ahmadinejad's presidency, hardliners succeeded in sidelining many moderate conservatives, including former Majles Speaker Ali Akbar Nateq Nouri. In recent years, they have also marginalized other influential conservatives, such as the Larijani brothers—former Chief Justice Sadeq Amoli Larijani and former Majles Speaker Ali Larijani—as well as former President Hassan Rouhani and nearly all of his "pragmatist" allies.

Now, as the country's economy is in its weakest point, the public, as well as politicians in Iran are beginning to remember what Ahmadinejad and the Raisi administration have done to a better economy that existed in Iran until 2005.

Ahmadinejad’s presidency brought sanctions, international isolation, and squandered a massive windfall from soaring oil prices, leaving the treasury depleted by 2013. According to President Pezeshkian’s reserved remarks, the Raisi administration also left virtually nothing for the new government. On his first day in office, Pezeshkian had to borrow from the Khamenei-controlled foreign currency reserve to settle government debts to farmers.

While the shift toward a more moderate conservatism is being spearheaded by Parliament Speaker Ghalibaf, Pezeshkian has shown signs of aligning with hardliners to secure his position.

Over the past week, banners and messages have appeared on highways and over bridges across Tehran urging people to donate to war-affected Lebanese. Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps established Hezbollah in 1982 and has heavily armed and funded the group in the decades after.

The fundraising campaign comes as Iran’s own economy is under pressure, with inflation and the rising cost of living taking a toll on livelihoods.

While the level of Iranian assistance to Hezbollah has fluctuated over the years, US officials estimated in 2018 that Iran transfers around $700 million annually to Hezbollah.

A banner in Tehran asked citizens to send an SMS to express readiness to donate to Lebanese while similar campaigns on state TV and through text messages from the paramilitary Basij group encourage people to donate cash, gold, or even to financially sponsor a Lebanese family.

The efforts have drawn criticism from ordinary Iranians, who feel that the government is prioritizing foreign interests over domestic needs.

“It was revealed that the Islamic Republic was sending funds of 50 million dollars per month to support this group," Ali Shirazi, an Iranian journalist, told Iran International TV.

"But this is not the only expense. Military, weaponry, drones, and missile assistance are also provided, and the reconstruction of damaged buildings falls on Iran’s budget,” he added.

Iran's financial and military support for Hezbollah has come under more scrutiny following Israeli strikes on Hezbollah-linked financial institutions, including the Al-Qard al-Hasan bank in Beirut which may have disrupted Hezbollah's access to funds.

"Bunch of freeloaders"

Discontent with the donations campaign is evident among Iranians, many of whom expressed their frustration to Iran International via messaging apps which protect their anonymity.

“The rise in currency exchange rates, the dollar, and the increasing prices of gold have had a very negative impact, destroying the weaker and lower-income classes,” a Tehran resident said.

“People are now finding their food in garbage bins. More than two million students couldn’t attend school this year,” he added.

Others called for redirecting funds towards addressing domestic issues rather than supporting foreign militant groups.

“If we want to help, we prefer to support our fellow compatriots, especially those in need in provinces like Sistan and Baluchestan, rather than sending money to Hamas and Hezbollah,” said a businessman from the northern city of Rasht.

The government’s push for donations was described as out of touch with the reality faced by most Iranians. “For 45 years, we haven’t heard any good news from the media. If the money spent on Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine were spent in Iran, everything would flourish,” commented another citizen.

As inflation continues to rise, with the US dollar trading at 690,000 rials and predictions of further price increases by the end of the year, Iranians are strained.

“I don’t know how long we have to pay the price for Hassan Nasrallah, Ismail Haniyeh and a bunch of freeloaders," a retired citizen said referring to slain Hezbollah and Hamas leaders, "but the impact it’s had has paralyzed everyone’s lives".

The women have expressed grave concerns over Mohammadi’s deteriorating health, citing severe chest pain due to a heart condition, a lump in her breast and chronic back pain.

Despite requests from medical professionals, including specialists and the prison’s medical department, prison authorities have repeatedly denied Mohammadi’s transfer to a hospital citing orders from superiors.

The inmates' letter also raised concerns about the broader issue of medical neglect in Evin Prison and highlighted dire conditions faced by those labeled "security prisoners." The term is mainly used for political prisoners and detained protesters.

The signatories argue that if these women were ordinary prisoners, they likely would have been granted parole on medical grounds.

Denial of necessary medical treatment has sparked outrage among the prison population and human rights advocates.

Iranian authorities are subjecting Mohammadi to torture by deliberately denying her healthcare, Amnesty International said in a post on X on Thursday.

Earlier in October, Mohammadi’s family issued a statement accusing Iran's security and judicial authorities of preventing her from being transferred to a hospital for an angiography procedure on several occasions.

Mohammadi had a 75% blockage in her main artery in 2022, when a stent was placed, according to a member of her family. An angiography helps diagnose a heart problem and may be a medical necessity for someone with an arterial stent.

Mohammadi has faced multiple arrests, trials, and prison sentences due to her human rights advocacy. Over the years, she has been detained numerous times, spending approximately six years in prison for her activism. Most recently, she was arrested in November 2021 and was sentenced to a total of 13 years and 9 months in prison, with additional charges still pending.

In addition to imprisonment, Mohammadi has been sentenced to 154 lashes, four months of community service as a street cleaner, a two-year travel ban, a two-year ban on using smartphones, monetary fines and exile.

One of her latest court hearings, held in her absence in June, addressed new charges of “propaganda against the state.” These were brought against her for speaking out about sexual harassment and assault allegations against imprisoned journalist Dina Ghalibaf and for advocating the boycott of elections. This week, a Tehran court sentenced her to six more months in prison for charges of assaulting a prison guard.

"We give the Zionist regime this message: look at the operations of Fath al-Mobin and Beit al-Moqaddas and see if it can stand against another Fath al-Mobin," Salami said, referencing grueling Iranian infantry campaigns from the nearly decade-long Iran-Iraq War which ended in 1988.

"If a ground operation begins, can it escape the scale of our Beit al-Moqaddas operation in 1982?" he added. The offensives were critical in forcing Iraqi forces out of southern Iran.

Iran launched two aerial bombardments against Israel this year, once in April and the next in October, in the first direct confrontation with its archenemy in the Islamic Republic's near 50-year history.

It has never fought Israel with ground troops.

Salami also dismissed the US-provided THAAD missile defense system, which has been deployed in Israel in anticipation of further escalation. "Do not rely on the THAAD missiles. They are limited, and you are depending on limited power," he said.

The US deployed 100 troops to the region this month, with President Joe Biden reaffirming his commitment to supporting Israel.

Israel, preparing for possible further conflict, has requested an additional THAAD system from the US, according to Israel's Channel 12. THAAD, designed to work alongside the Patriot system, can intercept threats at ranges of 93-124 miles.

Salami's remarks come as Israel prepares a retaliatory response to Iran's attack with 181 ballistic missiles earlier this month.

The Oct. 1 barrage was retaliation for Israel's assassination of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in Beirut last month and likely killing in July of Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran.

Although most missiles were intercepted, a few hit military and civilian targets, causing minor damage.

After Iran’s first attack in April, Israel responded with air strikes on an air defense site in central Iran. Following the latest missile volley, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned Tehran it had made a "big mistake" and promised a counterstrike.

The Biden administration later revealed that it had advised Israel not to target Iran's nuclear facilities, but tensions remain at boiling point as both sides prepare for further escalation.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility from Israel, which often does not detail its role in attacks on other countries.

"Aerial aggression from the direction of the occupied Syrian Golan and northern Lebanon targeted two points in the Kafr Sousa neighborhood in Damascus and a military site in the Homs countryside," SANA quoted a military source as saying.

"(The attack) resulted in the martyrdom of one military member and the injury of seven others, in addition to causing material losses."

While Israel does not usually comment on alleged operations in Syria, the Jewish state has been carrying out strikes against Iranian-linked targets in Syria for more than a decade as Iran has increased its presence since the Syrian civil war began in 2011.

Raids have also ramped up since last year's October 7 attack on Israel by Palestinian militant group Hamas sparked the Gaza war.

Since then, Iran’s armed allies around the region have been targeting the country from across its borders, including Yemen's Houthis and militias in Syria and Iraq which like Hamas have been designated terrorist organizations by the United States and the West.

Syrian state television on Monday reported a missile strike on a car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus. In a rare announcement, Israel’s military said the attack killed a Hezbollah commander responsible for weapons transfer from Iran.

The Israeli military also announced on Wednesday that it was conducting raids on underground hideouts containing weapons belonging to Lebanese Hezbollah’s Radwan Forces.

The bunker had been part of the operation named "Conquer the Galilee,” an alleged plot Israel says it uncovered to replicate October 7 from Israel’s north.

“In the hideout, the troops located bunk beds, storage cabinets, food supplies, infrastructure for long-term stay, a large amount of equipment, weapons, and launch positions left behind by the terrorists,” Israel's military said in a statement.

Since October 8, Hezbollah has launched over 13,000 projectiles from Lebanon in solidarity with Hamas, causing 63,000 Israelis to be displaced from northern Israel.

In south Lebanon, the fighting uprooted around 100,000 and since Israel’s ground invasion has led to hundreds of thousands more fleeing the area.

“In recent days, the troops have located four enemy weapons storage facilities, some of which were placed in civilian homes,” the Israeli military added. “The storage facilities contained a large number of weapons, including AK-47 rifles, ammunition, rockets, mortars, shoulder-fired missiles, RPGs, and advanced anti-tank missiles.”