Iran’s president accused of coup plans as post-war rift widens

In an op-ed published Monday on Khamenei’s official website, his office issued a rare rejoinder to Israeli officialdom in which it dismissed Gallant's assertions of overwhelming Israeli military and intelligence superiority.

The statement described Gallant's message as part of “a conflict whose primary battlefield is not border zones, but public perception and the realm of awareness.”

Gallant’s letter, dated July 9, highlighted what he described as Israel’s supremacy over Iran which had unraveled the Islamic Republic's long-held strategy.

“What unfolded in June 2025 was not merely a military campaign. It was the strategic collapse of a system you spent four decades constructing,” Gallant wrote, referring to the 12-day Iran-Israel war last month.

Israel launched a series of strikes on June 13 which pounded military and nuclear sites, assassinated senior commanders and killed hundreds of civilians. Iranian missiles killed 27 Israeli civilians.

Gallant warned Khamenei that Israel has full access to Iran’s inner workings, including military planning and high-level decision-making.

“We knew your schedules. Your sites. Your communications. Your conversations with your closest allies — most of whom are no longer with you — in Beirut, Damascus, and Tehran. Your timelines. Your fallback plans. And your blind spots,” he wrote.

The letter also highlighted weaknesses in Iran’s air defenses and warned that any attempt to restore the nuclear program would invite future attacks.

“Abandon your war against a small, determined country a thousand miles from your border," Gallant said, "and focus instead on the welfare and future of your own people.”

The championship match of the Club World Cup in which Chelsea defeated Paris Saint-Germain 3–0 was held on Saturday evening in the United States.

Faghani, one of the most prominent referees in the world, officiated the match and participated in the tournament representing Australia after migrating there in 2019 due to disagreements with Iran's Football Federation.

The Revolutionary Guards-affiliated Fars News Agency ripped the appearance on its Telegram channel on Saturday.

“Just days after the Israeli and American attack on Iranian soil and the martyrdom of over a thousand Iranians, Alireza Faghani warmly greeted Trump after receiving his award and mimicked his pose in the commemorative photo.”

Faghani later posted a series of photos on Instagram showing his work at the tournament and his pose alongside Trump, writing: "Grateful for the opportunity to once again be part of football history."

Pro-government social media users criticized the appearance as a national betrayal.

“Alireza Faghani completed all his academic degrees (bachelor’s, master’s, and PhD) in Iran," a user celled Third Generation Khomeini Revolution wrote on X.

"But in the end, he took a commemorative photo with the invader of his homeland and the killer of Iranian women and children.”

Alireza Dabir, president of the Iranian Wrestling Federation, said Faghani should have killed Trump. "If there were any honor, he would have torn out the killer’s throat instead of shaking his hand."

Ali Akbar Raefipour, an Islamic Republic propagandist, shared an AI-generated image of hoped-for physical altercation and said Faghani should have emulated an Iraqi journalist who launched his shoes at US President Bush in 2008.

Popular among religious youth, Raefipour is a hardline Iranian speaker and founder of the Revolutionary Guards-linked Masaf Institute which promotes anti-Western narratives and conspiracy theories.

Make Iran Great Again (MIGA)

In contrast, many Iranians opposed to Tehran defended Faghani, calling his presence at such a major event a source of pride for Iran.

A hashtag for a phrase promoted by Trump during the conflict, #MIGA — Make Iran Great Again — spread among the Islamic Republic's detractors.

Prominent Iranian activist Masih Alinejad praised Faghani, saying: “You don’t have to like it. But you can’t ignore it. This isn’t about loving war. It’s about recognizing who the real warmonger is: the Islamic Republic.”

A user named Sina criticized those threatening Faghani, saying: “They’re threatening Alireza Faghani for shaking hands with Trump at a football match — a completely non-political event. Well then, what should be done with those who beg to negotiate with him?”

State-run Iranian TV did not air the Club World Cup award ceremony — a decision that also drew widespread reaction from users on social media.

Canadian-Iranian politician Golsa Ghamari reacted to the post, saying: “Iranians and Americans were once great allies, and will once again be great allies when the terrorist Islamic Republic is overthrown.”

Another user praised Faghani, saying: “He received his medal from none other than Donald Trump — the man who turned Qassem Soleimani into 'kotlet.'”

“Kotlet,” an Iranian meat patty, became a meme symbolizing the assassination of senior Iranian general Qassem Soleimani in 2020 during the first Trump administration.

Another user named Shayan Amiri shared the handshake moment between Faghani and Trump, tagging Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi on X and writing: “Perhaps it’s time to take a lesson in diplomacy and class — from Alireza Faghani.”

Iran’s state broadcaster has openly challenged Pezeshkian’s stance on the claims, airing local testimonies that directly contradict the president’s position.

On July 7, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB)—controlled by ultra-hardliners—aired a segment featuring residents of border towns in Ardabil Province, near the Azerbaijani frontier.

Locals claimed they had seen Israeli aircraft and drones enter Iranian airspace from Azerbaijan during the war.

The segment aired just hours after Pezeshkian appeared to downplay the allegations, in remarks seemingly aimed at de-escalation and alignment with Baku’s denials. Speaking in Gilan Province, the president said:

“Contrary to some rumors, the country’s security institutions have not confirmed any sign of military cooperation between neighboring countries and the Zionist regime.”

His comments echoed a June 26 phone call with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, in which, according to Iran’s foreign ministry, Aliyev assured Pezeshkian that using Azerbaijani territory against Iran was a “red line” that would not be crossed.

Yet the very need for such reassurances revealed Tehran’s underlying anxiety—rooted in precedent. In 2012, Iranian officials accused Israel of launching surveillance drones from Azerbaijani bases.

Hardliners seize on the report

The IRIB footage quickly gained traction on conservative media and Iranian social platforms.

Alef News republished the segment with the headline: “Clear Proof of Aliyev Regime’s Involvement in Iran-Israel War: Israeli Fighter Jets Entered Iran from Azerbaijan.”

“There’s no need for the interviews—radars recorded everything,” one widely liked comment read, implying the state was turning a blind eye. Another popular post criticized Pezeshkian’s warm greeting of Aliyev at last week’s ECO Summit in Baku.

Hardline outlets circulated clips of the president smiling and rising to greet Aliyev, accusing him of projecting weakness.

Farhikhtegan daily, tied to conservative factions, called his demeanor “undiplomatic” and “inappropriate.”

Scapegoat for military failures?

Even traditionally moderate conservative papers joined the backlash.

“Baku’s leaders must understand that no one in Iran will forgive a neighbor that betrays this nation,” Jomhouri Eslami warned on July 6. “They must prove they did not collaborate with the Zionist regime—or be prepared to face consequences.”

The paper also accused Azerbaijani media of launching a coordinated propaganda campaign against Iran during the conflict.

What many of Pezeshkian’s critics omit, however, is that the president has no command over the armed forces or intelligence services.

Responsibility for monitoring and responding to foreign threats rests with parallel institutions, making him an easy scapegoat for failures beyond his remit.

Baku has pushed back forcefully.

On July 1, Azerbaijan’s Milli Majlis Commission on Combating Foreign Interference condemned what it called a “deliberate disinformation campaign” by actors in Iran and abroad, aimed at inflaming anti-Azerbaijani sentiment on Persian-language social media.

Ties strained but intact

Despite the intensifying rhetoric, Tehran and Baku continue to preserve key ties. Cooperation persists on infrastructure and energy, including the Rasht-Astara railway and regional gas swap agreements.

Still, deep mistrust lingers—especially over the proposed Zangezur Corridor, which would link Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan through Armenian territory.

Baku views it as a vital trade route to Turkey and Central Asia, while Tehran fears it could undermine its regional leverage and sever its land access to Armenia.

The members of the Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom, many of whom are senior religious scholars in Iran’s influential Shi’ite seminaries, said they were endorsing a fatwa which declared those who threaten religious authority figures – including the Supreme Leader – fall into the category of mohareb and must face the corresponding religious and legal consequences.

The clerics did not cite a specific decree, referring only to a “sensitive, historic, and courageous fatwa” by senior religious authorities in Qom and Najaf. Two recent fatwas by Grand Ayatollah Hossein Nouri Hamedani and Nasser Makarem Shirazi align with this description. The fatwas were issued in response to remarks by Israeli officials about assassinating Ali Khamenei.

“The Supreme Leadership and the institution of religious authority are symbols of the dignity of the Islamic Ummah,” the clerics said in the statement published by the IRGC-affiliated Fars News Agency. “Threats against them are threats against the foundations of Islam itself.”

“This fatwa is necessary and timely,” the Qom-based clerics wrote. “Defense of religious leadership is a duty for all Muslims.”

The signatories include prominent figures such as Ahmad Khatami and Alireza Arafi, both members of Iran’s Guardian Council, as well as senior clerics from the Qom seminary, many of whom hold official or semi-official posts in Iran’s establishment.

Iran has a history of issuing religious rulings with international consequences, most notably the 1989 fatwa by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini calling for the killing of British author Salman Rushdie. That fatwa remained in place for decades and was widely cited after a 2022 knife attack on Rushdie in New York.

Grossi in crosshairs

In their joint statement, the clerics called for the prosecution of several international figures, including US President Donald Trump, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi, accusing them of being “war criminals” complicit in attacks on Iranian leadership and infrastructure.

“We demand that international courts try and punish Grossi, Trump, Netanyahu, and all those who have betrayed humanity,” the clerics said.

The call for prosecuting Grossi comes amid growing hostility between Tehran and the UN nuclear watchdog following the recent Iran-Israel war.

Iranian authorities have accused Grossi and the IAEA of facilitating attacks on Iranian nuclear sites through what they call “deceptive inspections” and “intelligence sharing” with hostile governments.

“The IAEA has acted not as a neutral body but as a tool of Western espionage,” said cleric-turned-lawmaker Mahmoud Nabavian last week, alleging that inspectors had smuggled surveillance equipment into nuclear facilities. “They are spies disguised as inspectors, and Mr. Grossi is fully complicit.”

On Wednesday, Ali Mozaffari, deputy head of Iran’s judiciary, said Iran was considering trying Grossi in absentia for allegedly enabling Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities. Mozaffari said the judiciary was compiling evidence of “foreign aggression” and would pursue legal remedies.

Hardline media outlets, including Kayhan newspaper — closely aligned with Khamenei — have called for Grossi’s arrest and even his execution should he travel to Iran.

Western governments have condemned the threats against Grossi. Britain, France, and Germany released a joint statement last month expressing “full support for the independence and impartiality of the IAEA” and warning Tehran against politicizing the agency’s work.

The Revolutionary Guards-linked Fars News Agency said the attacked was launched on the morning of Monday, June 16, while a session of the Supreme National Security Council was underway in the lower floors of the building in western Tehran.

President Pezeshkian, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Judiciary chief Mohseni Ejei and other senior officials were attending the meeting, the report said.

Six bombs or missiles targeted the building’s entry and exit points in order to block escape routes and disrupt airflow, Fars News said, adding that the attack was modeled after an operation designed to assassinate Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in Beirut.

Following the explosions, power to the floor was cut, but the officials managed to escape through an emergency hatch that had been prepared in advance, the report said.

President Pezeshkian and some other officials sustained minor leg injuries while exiting, the outlet said.

Given the accuracy of the information used in the attack, the report said authorities are investigating the possibility of an infiltrator.

While the report did not specify the location of the meeting, the Israeli airstrike is believed to have targeted a building in Tehran’s Shahrak-e Bagheri district on June 16.

A few days ago, senior IRGC general Mohsen Rezaei told the state TV that Israel “struck six points at the location where the Supreme National Security Council was meeting, but not the slightest harm was done to any of its members.”

President Pezeshkian earlier accused Israel of trying to assassinate him. "They did try, yes," he told Tucker Carlson in an interview. "They acted accordingly, but they failed."