Hardline MP Hamid Rasaei, leading the calls to impeach president Masoud Pezeshkian, listening to two colleagues
Amid deteriorating ties with Europe and the looming threat of another war with Israel, Iran’s president Masoud Pezeshkian is under mounting attack from Tehran’s hardliners, who question both his competence and his political judgment.
Leading ultraconservative cleric and MP Hamid Rasai, pushing for a parliamentary probe into the president’s performance, seized on Pezeshkian’s recent comments about the Zangezur corridor and his remark that Iran has no choice but to negotiate with the United States.
“Critics say raising the issue of Pezeshkian’s political inadequacy in the midst of two wars is against expediency!” he wrote on X on August 13.
“The session that led to the disqualification and ousting of Iran’s first president, Abolhassan Banisadr, was also held during the 1980s war with Iraq.”
Rasai, who believes another confrontation with Israel is imminent, argued that while Pezeshkian is “not a traitor like Banisadr,” he is “ignorant of his responsibilities” and equally damaging to the system. “If he doesn’t take the initiative himself,” Rasai added, “let’s not deceive ourselves.”
Some social media users urged Rasai to voice such criticisms in parliament rather than online, while others attacked his own legitimacy, noting he was elected with just 4% of the vote compared with the far higher turnouts of MPs who impeached Banisadr.
Moderates join the fray
Even figures from Iran’s moderate camp are voicing disillusionment.
Ali Mohammad Namazi told conservative outlet Nameh News that Pezeshkian had failed to deliver on his 2024 campaign pledge to lift sanctions, re-engage with the world, and revive the economy.
Namazi said the president’s promise to form an active government from across the political spectrum instead produced “a cabinet of mediocre ministers” with “no outstanding economic or political figures.”
He added that industrial activity had stalled under budget constraints, energy and water shortages, and a lack of investment — leaving households waiting for sanctions relief to meet basic needs.
“Pezeshkian’s most important political promise was to hold talks with the West to lift sanctions and boost oil revenues,” Namazi said. “Not only did that not materialize, but even the negotiations expected to bear fruit within two months were halted following a damning IAEA report and a resolution tabled by Germany, France, and the United Kingdom.”
A systemic crisis
The intensifying criticism — from across Iran’s political spectrum — comes as the country faces the possible snapback of all UN sanctions, a blow that could sever its economic lifeline.
Hardliners like Rasai frame the moment as a prelude to war; moderates like Namazi see a presidency adrift.
For many Iranians online, however, the attacks only underline a deeper reality: the country’s troubles lie in a rigid political system that no president alone can fix.
Benjamin Netanyahu’s call on Iranians to rise up—coupled with a promise of Israeli help to solve the country’s water shortages—set off a wave of praise, criticism, and ridicule across Iran’s political spectrum and online.
In an August 12 video, the Israeli prime minister cited President Masoud Pezeshkian’s own admission of deep crises to assert that Iranians don’t even have clean water to give to their children.
He pledged that once people toppled the Islamic Republic and Iran was “free,” Israeli water experts would go to “every city” with desalination and recycling technology.
Reactions: from praise to scorn
Thousands of Iranians reacted on X and other platforms. Supporters called Israel “the true friend of the Iranian people” and urged others to heed Netanyahu’s call.
Others interpreted the message as a signal of another imminent Israeli strike.
“These consecutive messages from the Israelis … carry an important warning,” one user wrote. “The Iranian people are very close to a second round of attacks. It’s better for you to take to the streets so that the cost for both us and you will be lower.”
Some even urged further Israeli action.
“We still need your help. Target the remaining leaders of the regime so that overthrowing it becomes easier for the people,” read another comment.
But many doubted the call would have any effect.
“As someone in Tehran, I must say that there is no way people will take to the streets,” one user posted. “They have no hope, and what you’re saying is not feasible before Khamenei and [his son] Mojtaba are declared dead.”
Men filling up containers from a water truck, Tehran, Iran, July 2025
Criticism of the messenger
Others went further, turning their fire on Netanyahu himself.
“Contrary to Netanyahu’s false claim, the water Israelis drink in abundance is not the product of Israeli technology; it is water denied to the Palestinians,” lawyer Reza Nasri posted.
Some referenced alleged Israeli strikes on water infrastructure during the 12-day conflict.
“Khomeini came with promises of free water and electricity and delivered rooftop executions,” activist Amir Ebrahimi wrote.
“Netanyahu talks of providing water, and the result of his promise was the bombing of the main Tajrish water pipeline and the killing of people. Criminal dictators and charlatans share the same principles.”
Officials and state media push back
Top political and security figures, including Pezeshkian, Supreme National Security Council secretary Ali Larijani, and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, dismissed or mocked the message.
State TV aired a vox-pop segment, mixing genuine and staged interviews, ridiculing Netanyahu’s claim that Iranians could water-ski again in the Karaj Dam if the Islamic Republic fell.
The dam, once a popular recreation site, is now almost dry.
‘Root cause’
Criticism also came from those outside the government, including activists who oppose Tehran’s rule but saw Netanyahu’s comments as misleading or self-serving.
These voices sought to shift the conversation from Israel’s role to Iran’s own governance failures.
“Netanyahu spoke of desalination… these plants were built entirely by Iranian private companies,” environmental activist Reza Karimi wrote on X alongside images of two desalination plants in southern Iran.
“Our problem with water is not technology. We are exporters of water engineering projects. Our problem is poor water governance.”
With the supreme leader’s retreat from view since the 12-Day War with Israel, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) appear to have taken on his role as political disciplinarian, nudging senior figures to keep their feuds out of public view.
It’s a task Ali Khamenei once handled directly — intervening to rein in factions and reassert unity — but his low profile in recent weeks has left a vacuum.
Not long before this “visible invisibility,” Khamenei publicly warned against the perils of political loose talk.
“Our shortcomings, our tongue wagging, our pointless bickering, our lack of patience, our incorrect analysis of the situation, sometimes change the course of history,” he said on April 24.
At the time, the remarks were read as a reprimand to officials for lax security and for letting their rivalries spill into the open, weakening Tehran’s hand in dealings with adversaries, above all Israel and the United States.
Now, those same dynamics are on display again, but it’s the IRGC playing nanny, sweeping up the shards of political infighting while Khamenei focuses elsewhere.
The clerical establishment is trying to thread an impossible needle: secure sanctions relief, or at least stave off a European “snapback” of UN sanctions, through diplomacy, while rebuilding its triple deterrence— missile and drone stockpiles, its proxy network, and uranium enrichment program.
Fracas One: ‘golden calf’
On August 5, Saeed Jalili, a Khamenei representative to the Supreme National Security Council and a prominent hardliner, lashed out at advocates of renewed talks with Washington, calling them “golden calf worshippers”—a scriptural reference denoting impatience and betrayal.
Jalili, who lost to Masoud Pezeshkian in the 2024 presidential race, has long opposed engagement with the West. But this time his remarks drew fire not just from reformists, but also from the hardest core of Iran’s power: the IRGC.
The IRGC-linked daily Javan warned that airing strategic disputes in public was “harmful,” while the Guards-affiliated Tasnim news agency cautioned against “radicalism.”
Only Raja News, tied to the sidelined family of late president Ebrahim Raisi, backed Jalili — a move likely aimed at clawing back influence.
Under sustained pressure, Jalili retreated on August 12, posting on X that failing to negotiate when opportunities arise would “cause losses,” citing Khamenei’s April endorsement of Oman-mediated nuclear talks with the U.S.
“You reject engaging in talks. What’s your alternative? Do you want to fight? Fine, [the adversaries will] strike again. Then you have to repair the damage… These are not issues to be approached emotionally,” he told critics.
Reformist outlets hailed his “realism” and “honesty,” while hardline media accused him of advocating “surrender.” Again, the IRGC intervened.
Aziz Ghazanfari, a senior political chief, praised Pezeshkian’s “honesty and purity,” but warned that “not everything should be said in public” and urged him to stick to pre-approved, scripted comments.
Whether the IRGC can keep senior politicians’ “tongue wagging” in check—and prevent Khamenei’s carefully balanced machinations from unravelling—may determine whether Tehran’s strategy holds or fractures again.
Iran’s customs data indicates that strategic reserves of animal feed have declined, raising warnings about potential impacts on the country's food security.
“Customs data shows a 60% decrease in soybean meal imports and an 8% decrease in corn imports in the first four months of this year compared to the same period last year,” ILNA news agency reported.
“Animal feed inputs of very low quality have reached end consumers at prices about twice the approved rates due to import monopolies — a trend that seriously threatens the country's food security in the sensitive period following June’s 12-day war with Israel,” ILNA quoted Mojtaba Aali, the CEO of the National Livestock Farmers Union, as saying, referring to June's 12-day war with Israel.
Aali said that livestock farmers in Fars province, a key hub for livestock production, recently held protests over the issue.
According to Iranian media, over the past five months, reserves of supplies such as corn and soybean meal, which are mostly imported from countries such as Brazil, have been significantly lower than the country’s monthly consumption.
In the same period, a rise in prices has been recorded, affecting most livestock farmers and their ability to purchase animal feed.
“Corn has been traded at 130,000 rials ($1.30), barley at 220,000 rials ($2.30), and soybean meal at 230,000 rials ($2.40),” ILNA reported.
According to S&P Global, the June war has left behind many issues facing the country's food security, not least regarding essential imports.
"Exporters of corn and soybeans in Brazil and Basmati rice from India have already raised alarms about trade with Iran due to rising insurance premiums, delayed payments, and wartime dangers such as jamming of navigation or communication systems," its analysts wrote.
As of 2025, data from Iran’s Statistics Center shows that the country’s agricultural land has shrunk to 15.43 million hectares, a decrease from 18 million hectares in previous years.
Farming continues to be a major source of livelihood, supporting over 4.5 million people, 89% of whom live in rural areas and 11% in urban settings, with the agricultural sector contributing roughly 8.3% to Iran’s GDP and employing about 27% of the national workforce.
Compounding this, over the past year, the country has experienced a 1.5°C increase in average temperatures and a 45% decline in rainfall, leading to further desertification across the country.
The average time to save for a home in Tehran is about 80 years, even as the capital witnesses a major wave of price decreases, the head of the Tehran Real Estate Consultants Union said.
“Currently, about half of tenants’ income is spent on rent, and to buy a house worth five to six billion tomans ($54,000 to $64,000), one would need to save for approximately 80 years,” Kianoosh Goodarzi said.
“The price per square meter of housing in northern Tehran has dropped by 30 to 50 million tomans ($321 to $535), but the 12-day war has had no impact on this price decline or the ongoing recession, which began during the COVID-19 period,” ISNA news agency cited Goodarzi as saying.
The costs of even basic items such as food continue to soar and the value of the Iranian currency continues to fall. The rial has lost over 90% of its value since US sanctions were reimposed in 2018.
Sanctions, corruption and economic mismanagement have contributed to the widespread economic hardship.
At least a third of the country is now forced to live below the poverty line, and the vast majority of Iranians are dissatisfied with the government’s economic policies, according to a poll by the country’s leading economic newspaper Donya-ye Eqtesad.
The poll results published on Monday showed that 89% of respondents were dissatisfied with the economic policies implemented by the Islamic Republic.
According to April statistics from the International Monetary Fund, unemployment in Iran now stands at 9.5%, up from 7.8% last year.
Impact of war
Asked if the 12-day war between Iran and Israel played any role in the real estate recession, Goodarzi said the downturn began long before that.
“The property market is very large, and the current recession is not due to the war, as we were already in recession beforehand."
He said suggested prices have dropped by 30 to 50 million tomans per square meter, but there have been no changes in contract agreements.
Israel launched land and air strikes targeting senior Iranian military leaders, nuclear scientists, and politicians, while damaging or destroying Iranian air defenses and nuclear facilities. The airstrikes killed over 1,000 people according to official statistics.
Pressure is building inside Iran’s political establishment for a fundamental change of course, with former president Hassan Rouhani joining a growing chorus warning that continued rigidity could lead to paralysis or trigger renewed unrest.
The convergence — from reformist academics to former officials close to the Supreme Leader — points to an unusual degree of agreement that the status quo, especially after the June war with Israel, is unsustainable.
“There is no way to save the country except for all of us to become servants of the people — to recognize that sovereignty belongs to the people,” moderate outlet Entekhab quoted Rouhani as saying on Thursday. “The Iranian nation owns Iran.”
Rouhani also urged an overhaul of media regulations to allow private broadcasters alongside the state’s. “We should have 10, 20, 30 channels that are private, owned by the people,” he said. “If we want the people to be with us, this is the way.”
‘Obligation to negotiate’
Rouhani’s remarks come amid a season of acute pressures — a setback in the June conflict with Israel, an economy battered by sanctions and mismanagement, and rolling water and electricity outages in a sweltering summer that have pushed many Iranians to the edge.
President Masoud Pezeshkian has in recent weeks all but raised his hands in defeat, implying that real power lies elsewhere when it comes to key policies such as relations with the United States.
Rouhani picked up where Pezeshkian left off.
“If we can improve relations with Europe, our neighbors, and both East and West—even reduce tensions with the United States—and it serves our interests, then why not?” he said.
“Not only is there nothing wrong with it, it is our duty and obligation.”
‘Iran in ruins’
Prominent sociologist Taqi Azad Armaki went further, calling for an ideological shift toward a normal state.
“The government has only two options: change its outdated approaches or face a deadlock,” he said on Wednesday. “Iran must embrace global norms to overcome its political, economic, and cultural challenges and improve its international image.”
But the most scathing take came from former MP Parvaneh Salahshoouri, who appeared to address Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei directly.
“With its ‘Islamic Ummah’ doctrine, the Islamic Republic built neither an ummah nor preserved the Iranian nation,” she posted on X, citing the Arabic word for religious community—central to the thinking and behavior of Iran’s theocratic rule.
“What remains is a ruined Iran, and from the Islamic Ummah, only curses and hatred toward it,” she added, leaving little doubt as to whom she blamed with direct references to Khamenei’s catchphrases.
“(The Islamic Republic) squandered ‘dignity and wisdom’ with the ‘no war, no negotiations’ stance — and yet there was both war and negotiations — and now it is even struggling to preserve Iran itself.”