An illustration showing an ancient Iranian soldier and a Revolutionary Guard member holding a weapon together, displayed during a November 7 ceremony in Tehran where a statue of pre-Islamic Persian King Shapur I was unveiled.
Tehran’s unveiling of a towering statue depicting the Roman Emperor Valerian kneeling before pre-Islamic Persian King Shapur I has renewed criticism of the Islamic Republic’s appeal to nationalist sentiment following the June war with Israel.
For over forty years, the theocracy purged ancient Persian history from schoolbooks, replacing it with post-Islamic narratives. But after the 12-day conflict with Israel, officials have turned to the distant pre-Islamic past to rally a divided society.
From murals of ancient kings and soldiers to patriotic songs added to Shi’ite mourning ceremonies performed before Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, Tehran now embraces imagery once deemed heretical by its own revolutionary ethos.
The statue unveiled in Tehran's Revolution Square
'Kneel before Iran' campaign
Tehran’s Revolution (Enghelab) Square was the scene of an unusual spectacle on Friday as officials unveiled a massive bronze statue depicting Roman Emperor Valerian kneeling in submission before Sassanid King Shapur I, commemorating Iran’s victory at the Battle of Edessa (260 AD).
The event was held under the slogan “Kneel before Iran,” part of what authorities describe as a campaign to project “national unity and historical pride” following the June war with Israel.
Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani, a staunch ultraconservative, said on X: “Enmity with Great Iran can only end in kneeling before this historic nation.”
Municipal official Davood Goodarzi said the installation would be accompanied by visual displays depicting “other victories of Iranians over foreign aggressors,” including the defeat of British forces by local commander Rais-Ali Delvari, Mirza Kuchak Khan’s resistance against Russian troops, and Surena’s triumph over Rome at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BCE.
The goal, Goodarzi said, is “strengthening concepts such as national dignity, social unity, and Iranian identity.”
The statue, he said, would remain temporarily at Revolution Square before being moved to a city gateway “where it will stand as the first emblem of Iran before diplomats and foreign visitors.”
Unveiled women were allowed to attend the unveiling ceremony—an uncommon scene at events organized by Tehran’s ultra-hardline municipality.
The turn to the pre-Islamic past
The sharp reversal also recalls remarks once made by Khamenei. In a 2011 speech, he asserted that “all the great military victories of this nation came after Islam,” dismissing pre-Islamic accounts as “things that are not documented.”
In 1987, he had said that prophets triumphed over kings such as Cyrus and that “nothing remains of these monarchs in history but names remembered with derision.”
Nevertheless, pro-government social media accounts have now gone so far as to circulate posters equating Khamenei himself with Shapur, showing him standing with a staff as Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump kneel before him. The caption reads: “You will kneel before Iran.”
Image circulating by hardliners on social media
'Hypocrisy'
Pro-government figures have hailed the move as a patriotic success. Conservative political reporter Hossein Saremi posted: “Today’s grand Iranian gathering showed that people and the state share one essence: Iran itself. Nothing can take our homeland away.”
Others, however, called the spectacle “hypocrisy.” Journalist Gholamhossein Pashaei wrote on X: “Every year you close Pasargadae to stop people from celebrating Cyrus Day, yet you unveil Shapur’s statue in Enghelab Square with drums and fireworks during Fatimiyya (mourning period)!”
Dissident commentator Hamid Asafi called the ceremony “a perfect snapshot of the Islamic Republic’s contradictions.”
On Telegram he wrote: “A week ago they closed Cyrus’s tomb out of fear of the crowds, and now they glorify Shapur in the same breath. The Islamic Republic fears living history but poses for selfies with its corpse.”
He added: “They know people no longer respond to rosaries and sermons. That’s why they’ve brought history back to the stage—in a controlled costume. If they can’t erase the past, they’ll try to own it.”
The irony deepened as UNESCO formally recognized Cyrus’s Charter as one of the earliest human-rights documents.
President Masoud Pezeshkian wrote on X: “Iran, the cradle of dialogue, justice, and coexistence, can still inspire peace today.”
Users swiftly replied, questioning how such pride could coexist with a government that blocks access to Cyrus’s tomb each year to those wishing to visit it on his birthday.
A senior Iranian water expert warned on Sunday that the country’s central plateau could be emptied of inhabitants if authorities fail to address the worsening water crisis, as officials in Tehran admit that rationing in the capital began too late to avert shortages.
Ali Moridi, head of the Water, Wastewater and Environmental Engineering Department at Shahid Abbaspour University of Water and Power Industry, said Iran’s water emergency stemmed not only from its arid climate but from a chronic disconnect between scientists, industry, and government agencies.
“If the current situation continues, it is not unlikely that Iran’s central plateau will become depopulated,” Moridi told reporters at a university briefing.
Moridi cited research linking groundwater depletion and soil salinity to rural migration in southern provinces such as Fars, where vanishing wells have pushed villagers toward cities, worsening urban sprawl and social pressures.
“Many rural communities with high migration rates were directly affected by falling groundwater levels and the salinization of drinking water,” he said.
He urged stronger cooperation between academia and policymakers and showcased a new university-led “biochar” project that converts agricultural waste into a soil additive capable of reducing water use in farming – a sector that consumes over 80 percent of Iran’s water.
“The project must move from the lab to the field,” he said. “Reducing agricultural water use is vital if Iran is to survive this crisis.”
Moridi’s comments come as Tehran faces unannounced nightly water cuts, with reservoirs at record lows and drought conditions worsening across 20 provinces.
The Karaj Dam, one of the capital’s main suppliers, has dropped to less than 10 percent of capacity, officials said this week.
Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi said on Saturday that some of the city’s pipeline infrastructure was “over 100 years old and severely damaged,” forcing the government to cut nighttime supply to prevent network collapse.
President Masoud Pezeshkian warned earlier this week that Tehran could face mass evacuation if the drought persists through winter. “If it doesn’t rain, we will have no water,” he said.
Meteorologists say the country has entered one of its driest 50-year periods, with rainfall down more than 85 percent compared with last year.
The National Drought Crisis Center has classified the situation as “severe,” warning that no significant rain is forecast for at least ten days.
Iran’s Central Bank’s latest quarterly report shows capital flight hit a historic peak in the spring of 2025, underscoring the depth of the country’s financial strain.
The report, published on the Bank’s website, puts the capital account balance in the first quarter of the fiscal year (beginning March 21) at around minus $9 billion, the highest outflow ever recorded.
Last year, capital flight totaled about $20.7 billion, triple the figure in 2020. If this year’s pace continues, outflows could reach $36 billion by March 2026, roughly 10 percent of Iran’s GDP.
It remains unclear how much of the current exodus reflects ordinary citizens moving savings abroad versus businessmen or individuals close to power.
Earlier this year, Hossein Samsami, a member of parliament’s Economic Committee, said that from 2018 to mid-2025, $95 billion in non-oil export revenues never returned to Iran.
Declining foreign trade
Central Bank data show around $80 billion in capital flight between 2018 and 2024, suggesting much of the outflow is tied to foreign trade channels. Yet Iran’s economy minister recently insisted that the private sector accounts for only 15 percent of the country’s foreign trade.
That gap points to individuals with government links or ties to quasi-state institutions, including the Revolutionary Guards, as key drivers of tens of billions of dollars leaving the country.
The report also shows a sharp drop in export revenues. Oil income, including crude, petroleum products, and gas, fell by $3 billion in the spring compared to the same period last year, totaling $15 billion. Non-oil exports slipped by another $1 billion to under $11 billion.
Imports declined by about $800 million to $17.2 billion, while the services trade balance turned negative at minus $2.8 billion.
Overall, Iran exported $6 billion more in goods and services than it imported this spring. Yet $9 billion left the country during the same period through capital flight, erasing the surplus on paper.
Worse to come?
The deficit may rise if oil prices or exports drop—as seems to be the case according to most recent information.
Tanker-tracking data from Kpler show Iranian oil offloading at Chinese ports has fallen in recent months to about 1.2 million barrels per day, down from an average of 1.44 million earlier in the year.
Amid the tightening squeeze, officials continue to warn of severe foreign-currency shortages and the Central Bank’s inability to finance imports or investment.
Meysam Zohoorian, a member of parliament’s Economic Committee, reported this week that the Planning and Budget Organization has told lawmakers it is “stuck with three billion dollars” needed for investment in oil fields.
President Masoud Pezeshkian painted an even darker picture, asserting that his administration can hardly source a third of that amount for development projects.
“We are negotiating over one billion dollars to figure out where to find it,” he said.
Hardliners in Iran have seized on oblique remarks made by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei earlier this week as a green light to crack down on women who have shunned the hijab amid lax enforcement in recent years.
Speaking at a ceremony marking the anniversary of the 1979 US embassy takeover on Monday, Khamenei urged women to remind those around them to observe Islamic dress codes.
“Remind the women around you to view the hijab as a religious, Islamic, Zahra-like and Zeynab-like matter,” he said, referring to early Islamic matriarchs.
The word choice was careful and subtle, but more than enough for the intended audience.
Following the speech, Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei told prosecutors and citizens they “have a duty to carry out (the religious duty of) commanding good and forbidding evil,” promising full judicial backing for such actions.
Conservative voices quickly circulated Khamenei’s comments on social media, portraying them as permission to confront unveiled women.
“Does our dear Leader’s order mean anything but jihad of explanation and to command good? May those who claim he has compromised on Sharia and hijab be struck dumb!” one ultra-hardliner wrote on X.
Another posted: “Once again the Leader of the Ummah himself intervened, reminding us of the duty to enjoin hijab and forbid indecency—both in positive and preventive ways.”
Writer Mohammad Nikbakht interpreted the remarks as signaling a softer, bottom-up approach, arguing that Khamenei meant that hijab enforcement should start within families, “not through morality police, legislation, fines, or arrests.”
Rare intervention
Khamenei has rarely addressed hijab directly in the past year.
In April 2023, he accused foreign intelligence services of encouraging Iranian women to disobey the mandatory hijab and declared such defiance “religiously and politically haram.”
That statement spurred a short-lived official campaign to restore control after the Woman, Life, Freedom protests.
He did not revisit the issue publicly until now, and earlier this year appeared to sidestep an ultra-hardline lawmaker’s question about why the law had not been implemented.
Law stalled
Iran’s Parliament passed the “Hijab and Chastity Law” in September 2024, imposing sweeping new restrictions. But the Supreme National Security Council quietly suspended its enforcement amid fears of renewed unrest.
That decision was widely viewed as carrying Khamenei’s consent, but his latest remarks are now being read by hardliners as a cue to resume implementation.
A user named Seyyedeh lamented online: “How many people can we warn? How long can we walk the streets? Unveiling has spread everywhere like locusts. God, take our revenge on these traitorous, indifferent officials who have no honor!!”
Political rift, rising defiance
Officials fear that reviving morality patrols or tightening hijab rules amid economic hardship could reignite mass protests.
President Masoud Pezeshkian has said he cannot enforce the law and insists that only “dialogue” can persuade women—a stance conservatives blame for paralysis.
Senior Revolutionary Guards general Hassan-Nia rebuked him this week: “Dialogue won’t fix the problem. Firm action is required. If the Leader permits, we will tear the skin off their heads.”
Meanwhile, defiance keeps growing, even in religious cities such as Qom and Mashhad.
In Tehran, unveiled women now outnumber those covered in many neighborhoods, and social media is filled with scenes of mixed gatherings, music, dancing, and women in crop tops.
“Yes, we say there shouldn’t be excessive policing,” former conservative parliament deputy speaker Ali Motahari told Pezeshkian, “but who is supposed to stop a woman who walks around with her belly button exposed?”
The new push for an electricity grid linking Iran, Russia and Azerbaijan grid promises closer energy integration but could leave Tehran more exposed to Moscow’s leverage as rival corridors threaten to dilute its regional role.
In mid-October 2025, Azerbaijan’s deputy prime minister announced the formal launch of an electricity-linkage project among the three countries.
The plan builds on Iran’s 2024 proposal to route Russian electricity through its territory to Persian Gulf Arab states, advancing earlier diplomatic pledges. Full integration is targeted by late 2025, alongside coordination with Armenia.
The initiative fits Russia’s push for southern energy routes under sanctions, but could undercut the strategic weight of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC)—the trade artery linking India, Iran and Russia through Azerbaijan.
Shared leverage
A connected grid could deliver real economic and strategic gains.
By balancing supply and demand across borders, it might ease chronic blackouts—especially in Iran, where sanctions have crippled capacity.
Surplus electricity from Russia and Azerbaijan’s renewables could offset Iranian shortages, while shared infrastructure encourages cross-border power sales and investment.
For Iran, participation promises stability and regional relevance; for Russia, another path around Western-controlled networks; for Azerbaijan, a global profile built on “green power outreach.”
Iran’s balancing act
Integration could offer Tehran both relief and peril.
Years of underinvestment and gas dependency have left its grid aging and inefficient. Sanctions block access to capital and modern equipment, limiting meaningful expansion.
To benefit from the move and reduce vulnerability, Tehran needs to diversify its energy mix, curb waste and reform governance—meaning remove favoritism from energy planning and open the sector to transparent partnerships.
These are tall orders without which the project may only deepen Tehran’s reliance on Moscow.
Caspian crossroads
The grid plan also intersects with rival connectivity schemes.
The International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC)—a 7,200-kilometer multimodal corridor linking Mumbai to St. Petersburg via Iran and Azerbaijan—has been a lifeline for sanction-hit Tehran, yet it faces chronic delays and funding gaps.
Meanwhile, the EU-backed Black Sea Energy Corridor, launched in 2022, will send 4 GW of Azerbaijani wind and solar power to Europe by 2032. Faster, cleaner and politically safer, it already attracts more Western financing.
If momentum shifts toward the Black Sea route, Iran could lose as much as $10–15 billion in potential transit fees and influence, reinforcing its peripheral role in regional trade.
The choice ahead
Moscow’s dominance—and its expanding 2025 alliance with Tehran—could give it decisive leverage over energy supply, echoing Gazprom’s tactics in Europe.
Western sanctions on both Moscow and Tehran could deter investment and drag Baku into secondary penalties.
Regional flashpoints—from Armenia-Azerbaijan tensions to Iran’s domestic volatility—add fragility. Environmental and technical challenges add further strain, chief among them: fluctuating Caspian water levels and climate stress on Iran’s water-energy nexus.
The Iran-Russia-Azerbaijan grid could make Tehran a regional electricity hub or entrench it as Moscow’s junior partner.
Two visions now compete around the Caspian: one driven by geopolitical necessity, the other by the global green transition. How Iran navigates between them will determine whether this bridge becomes a lifeline—or another bind.
Reports that YouTube access had been restored for students at the University of Tehran while it remains blocked for the wider population, though denied swiftly by officials, triggered outrage among critics of Iran's censorship of the internet.
The report appeared first on university channels and student groups, claiming that Iran's flagship institution of higher education had lifted the YouTube ban on its internal network, allowing direct access for "educational and research purposes."
Iran's communications regulator denied any formal directive or even plans for such move. But critics were unconvinced, not least because of Tehran's long record of quiet, selective exemptions.
Many activists, technologists and legal experts pointed out that the idea of selective access reinforces inequality by creating digital privilege for a small, already advantaged group.
Prominent jurist Mohsen Borhani described the concept as “a combination of internet apartheid and a control system.”
“Such class-based privileges gradually serve to justify the actions of anti-freedom controllers and their so-called councils,” he wrote on X.
Meshkat Asadi, CEO of the New Businesses Group, echoed the concern: “Allocating a higher level of access while the rest of society does not have it constitutes a form of class-based internet.”
Obstacles to digital freedom
For nearly two decades, initiatives such as “emergency internet for businesses” and “journalists’ internet,” along with unrestricted SIM cards for foreign tourists, have entrenched a divide in access based on occupation or status.
Such decisions are made by Iran’s Supreme Cyber-Space Council (SCC), formally chaired by President Masoud Pezeshkian but dominated by appointees of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and conservative bodies including the Revolutionary Guards and the Organization for Islamic Propagation.
This entrenched structure is widely seen as the key obstacle to any meaningful policy shift.
Abdolhossein Firouzabadi, the council’s former secretary said last week that at least ten members strongly oppose lifting major filters.
“The council’s composition should be reconsidered if we want to see real change in the country’s digital landscape,” he told moderate news-site Entekhab.
‘Fragmenting the nation’
Advocates of free access argue that those benefiting from such a system become complicit in the injustice imposed on the wider population.
“The authorities are fragmenting the nation into smaller and weaker groups in order to resist the collective will of the people,” Saeed Soozangar told tech outlet Zoomit.
Cybersecurity expert Vahid Farid told Zoomit that authorities appear to be considering limited openings to reduce the “growing damages caused by filtering,” even as they avoid a full reversal of the nationwide ban.
‘The right to learn’
Many also stress YouTube’s everyday educational value far beyond campuses.
“Someone may not have the opportunity to attend university, but they can learn through YouTube,” Pouya Pirhosseinlou of the Iranian E-Commerce Association pointed out on X. “When access to this resource is blocked, it effectively says: ‘You do not have the right to learn.’”
Legal advocacy group Dadban added that restricting online access endangers rights ranging from education to healthcare, employment, and a dignified life.
Internet-freedom collective Filterban asked: “If YouTube is safe and useful, why is it only good for a few universities? If it’s dangerous, why is it harmless for students but dangerous for ordinary people?
“ This isn’t reforming the filtering system,” the advocacy group said on X, “it’s the reproduction of discrimination in the digital age.”