Media in Tehran report that Mohammad Javad Zarif was "disqualified" from his role as the president's deputy for strategic affairs, for failing to obtain the necessary security clearances.
The alleged disqualification stems from the Law on the Appointment of Individuals to Sensitive Positions, enacted on October 2, 2022. The law prohibits individuals who themselves, their spouse, or their children hold dual citizenship from being appointed to "sensitive" positions, including advisory or deputy roles to the president.
According to sources cited by Rouydad24, Zarif, who spent a significant portion of his career with the Iranian delegation at the United Nations in New York, had his children automatically acquire US citizenship as they were born during his assignment there. Although his children now reside in Iran, this has legally disqualified Zarif from holding the position of deputy to the president.
This law was not passed when he was chosen as foreign minister under former President Hassan Rouhani from 2013-2021.
Zarif, who publicly announced his resignation Sunday night, claimed his departure was not due to "disillusionment or disappointment" with Masoud Pezeshkian’s proposed administration. In an Instagram post, he insisted that his decision was rooted in doubts about his effectiveness in the strategic deputy role. "My message last night does not signify regret or disappointment with dear Dr. Pezeshkian...rather, it reflects my doubt about my usefulness in the strategic deputy role," Zarif stated.
However, many now believe that Zarif’s resignation was merely symbolic, as he had already been informed of his impending removal due to the Sensitive Positions Law.
Zarif himself later dismissed this version, saying he was not penalized because of his children's status.
Observers say the disqualification was a chance for Zarif to express his growing frustration with the direction of Pezeshkian's cabinet. On Sunday, Zarif revealed that of the 19 ministers proposed, only three were top choices recommended by a steering committee he headed, while ten were not on the council's list at all, casting serious doubt on the transparency and integrity of the selection process.
Zarif also expressed regret for not fulfilling his promises to include women, youth, and ethnic groups in the cabinet, signaling a retreat from the progressive agenda he had championed. "I am not satisfied with the outcome of my work and I am ashamed that I could not achieve the expert opinion of the committees and the inclusion of women, youth, and ethnic groups as I had pledged," Zarif lamented.
Despite his resignation, Zarif’s remarks on Monday, which appeared to contradict his earlier statements, have sparked speculations.
The cabinet list submitted by Pezeshkian to parliament has faced widespread criticism for being a regressive step. Despite earlier promises that 60% of the ministers would be under 50, the average age of the proposed cabinet is 59.7 years, leading to disappointment among those who had hoped for a younger, more dynamic government. The cabinet includes only one woman and no Sunni representatives, further alienating key segments of the population and raising doubts about Pezeshkian’s commitment to inclusivity and reform.
Araghchi, born in Tehran in 1962, earned his PhD in Political Science from the University of Kent in the UK.
Araghchi, who, like many Iranian officials, views former IRGC commander Qasem Soleimani as "Iran’s role model" and Hezbollah’s Hassan Nasrallah as "Lebanon’s role model," joined Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) in the early days of the revolution in 1979.
In a 2013 interview with Panjereh, a weekly publication aligned with the IRGC, Araghchi reminisced about his time as a Revolutionary Guard, saying, "My heart remains with them, and I have carefully preserved the sacred uniforms from those days."
He also described Ali Khamenei as "our everything," and stated, "For me, he transcends the roles of leader and Supreme Leader; in a word, he is 'Agha' (Sire)."
Araghchi has one daughter and two sons. In the same interview, he mentioned that his son-in-law is a cleric, adding, "To me, the clerical robe is sacred; it embodies virtue and is without flaw."
In 1989, after his service with the IRGC, Araghchi worked as a diplomat in Saudi Arabia. In 1999, Araghchi was appointed as Iran's ambassador to Finland. He later served as Iran's ambassador to Japan from 2007 to 2011. Following his tenure in Japan, Araghchi returned to Iran, where he took on the role of Deputy for Asia at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and briefly served as the ministry's spokesperson.
Role in foreign ministry during President Rouhani’s administration
Araghchi served as deputy to Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during Hassan Rouhani's administration, playing a pivotal role in the negotiations that led to the 2015 JCPOA nuclear deal. His involvement in the talks alongside Zarif brought Araghchi widespread recognition.
However, his experience in Iran's nuclear negotiations extended back to the tenures of Ali Larijani and Saeed Jalili as secretaries of the Supreme National Security Council. During the JCPOA negotiations, many viewed him as Khamenei's trusted representative on the nuclear team—a belief later validated by his subsequent appointments.
In the final days of Rouhani’s government in 2021, Araghchi, as head of the nuclear negotiation team, traveled to Vienna to lead talks on reviving the JCPOA with the Biden administration. However, the negotiations failed to produce any results, with Rouhani and Zarif attributing the failure to domestic sabotage and parliamentary interference.
When Ebrahim Raisi's administration took over, all members of Zarif's team were dismissed. However, Araghchi was appointed as the Secretary of the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, a position he still holds today. The Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, established in 2006 by order of the Supreme Leader, has its members appointed directly by Khamenei.
Kamal Kharazi, head of the council, stated in October 2021, "The Leader's view on Abbas Araghchi was that he should be utilized within the council, leading to his appointment as secretary."
Under Raisi's administration, Iran’s acting foreign minister, Ali Bagheri-Kani, a close associate of hardliner politician Saeed Jalili, assumed the role of chief negotiator with the West. Bagheri-Kani was reported to have adhered to Jalili's negotiation strategies, which ultimately failed to produce any agreements. In 2013, Araghchi remarked on Bagheri-Kani, saying, "We differed in our negotiation approaches, but I had, and still have, great respect for him."
Family controversies and nephew’s corruption scandal
During his tenure as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Hassan Rouhani, Abbas Araghchi was indirectly involved in a corruption case.
His nephew, Ahmad Araghchi, appointed as Deputy for Foreign Exchange at the Central Bank in August 2017, was arrested in August 2018 on charges related to a foreign currency exchange corruption case.
At the time, conservative media outlets criticized Ahmad Araghchi’s appointment at the Central Bank as an example of "nepotism and family favoritism."
Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, the judiciary spokesperson at the time, accused Ahmad Araghchi of "disrupting the country’s economic, foreign exchange, and monetary system."
Ahmad Araghchi was released on bail two months after his arrest, but his legal ordeal continued. Initially, Tehran's Revolutionary Court sentenced him to eight years in prison as the case’s second defendant. However, the Supreme Court later overturned this sentence, reducing his sentence to fines, while the prison sentences of most other defendants were upheld.
Opposition to Iran’s Woman Life Freedom protests
During Iran’s "Woman, Life, Freedom" nationwide uprising, which spurred large-scale protests by the Iranian diaspora in support of demonstrators inside Iran, Abbas Araghchi, Secretary of the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, stated, "We should not allow protests to be constantly held against us…Although I believe the Islamic Republic is stronger than this and won’t be shaken by these winds, we still must ensure that the damage does not escalate."
The new president’s prayer leader
With Masoud Pezeshkian’s confirmation as a presidential candidate, Araghchi, along with other former members of Rouhani’s government, threw his support behind him.
On June 8, 2024, during the election campaign, a photo emerged from Pezeshkian's campaign headquarters showing him and Zarif praying behind Araghchi. This image energized Pezeshkian's supporters and positioned Araghchi as the leading candidate for Minister of Foreign Affairs in the upcoming administration.
Now, with Pezeshkian’s presidency underway, Araghchi is poised to potentially return to the top position at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It is expected that he will face some tough opposition in parliament for his role in the nuclear deal, but if Khamenei has already agreed to his candidacy, he will eventually receive a vote of confidance.
Pezeshkian's administration, which pledged to reduce tensions in foreign policy, faced an immediate crisis when Ismail Haniyeh, the leader of Hamas, was assassinated in Tehran just one day after the inauguration.
The killing of Haniyeh and the possibility of Iranian retaliation against Israel could shift the primary issue on Araghchi’s desk from reviving the JCPOA to addressing regional conflict.
Zarif revealed that of the 19 ministers introduced, only three were the first choices recommended by the steering committee responsible for candidate selection. He noted that ten of the proposed ministers were not on the council's list at all.
Zarif's resignation underscores his frustration with the process, lamenting that he was unable to implement the expert opinions of the committees formed to find the best possible candidates or fulfill his promises to include women, youth, and ethnic groups in the cabinet.
"I am not satisfied with the outcome of my work and I am ashamed that I could not achieve the expert opinion of the committees and the inclusion of women, youth, and ethnic groups as I had pledged," Zarif stated in his post. He further announced his intent to return to academia, apologizing to the Iranian people for his inability to navigate the complexities of domestic politics.
Zarif’s resignation has intensified scrutiny and criticism of Pezeshkian's cabinet choices. Azar Mansouri, head of the Reform Front, also condemned the proposed cabinet, remarking that "One should not expect miracles from this government, especially considering that more than 80% of the country's power is in the hands of other entities."
Pezeshkian’s cabinet: old faces, old problems
Pezeshkian's list of proposed ministers, sent to Parliament for approval, has drawn criticism for being a step backward. The cabinet, with an average age of 59.7 years, contradicts Pezeshkian’s earlier promise that 60% of the ministers would be under 50. In reality, only two ministers fall into this category, leading to widespread disappointment among those who expected a younger, more dynamic government.
Abbas Araghchi, introduced as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, served as the deputy to Zarif during Hassan Rouhani's presidency, playing a key role in the nuclear negotiations with the West. Meanwhile, Esmail Khatib, nominated as the Minister of Intelligence, has a negative record, including the explosion in Kerman on the death anniversary of former IRGC commander Qasem Soleimani in January, which resulted in hundreds of casualties, as well as the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran.
The inclusion of figures like Abdolnaser Hemmati, former Central Bank head and 2021 presidential candidate, as Minister of Economy, further underscores the lack of new blood in the cabinet.
According to an investigation by Iran International, 11 of Pezeshkian’s proposed ministers have previously served in the administrations of Raisi and Rouhani. This recycling of political figures suggests a continuation of the same policies that have led Iran into its current state of crisis.
Alireza Kazemi, proposed as the Minister of Education, is another controversial choice. Kazemi, the brother of the IRGC Intelligence Chief, has a background in seminary teaching and drug control, raising concerns about his relevance to the education ministry.
Reformist discontent and Khamenei’s influence
The proposed cabinet has drawn sharp criticism from reformists, who are dismayed by the inclusion of several conservative ministers from the Raisi administration.
Rahmatollah Bigdeli, a member of the Government’s Strategic Council, pointed out that the most important ministries have been handed over to 'Principlists,' indicating a consolidation of hardline power.
Political activist Abdollah Ramezanzadeh criticized the nomination of Eskandar Momeni as Minister of the Interior, stating, "The worst periods for the Ministry of Interior in the past 46 years have been when military personnel were in charge." This sentiment reflects broader concerns about the increasing militarization of Iran’s government.
Political analyst Reza Alijani highlighted the pervasive influence of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei over the selection of ministers, noting that the Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Intelligence, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs are all critical points that Khamenei has secured for his loyalists. This observation underscores the limited autonomy Pezeshkian has in forming his government, with Khamenei’s shadow looming large over the process.
A cabinet under fire
The discontent surrounding Pezeshkian’s cabinet is palpable. Reformists are particularly upset by the absence of Sunni representation and the inclusion of only one woman among the proposed ministers.
Political activist Ahmad Zeidabadi pointed out that the cabinet "has two or three fundamental flaws," but if Pezeshkian believes he can work with these choices, "there is no reason for us to be more royalist than the king."
Pro-reform activist and former MP Parvaneh Salahshouri was even more direct, writing on X that Pezeshkian "has failed his first test except in a few cases." This sentiment was echoed by other reformist activists, who had warned Pezeshkian before the cabinet announcement that his selections were problematic.
Javad Emam, spokesperson for the Reform Front, criticized the continued dominance of military and paramilitary forces in Iranian politics, questioning the point of holding elections if the outcome remains unchanged.
"Ultimately, the President is responsible for his cabinet, and no lobbyist or imposing figure will take responsibility for the government. So, while there is time, reconsider," Emam urged Pezeshkian.
Even Shahram Dabiri, Pezeshkian’s Parliamentary Deputy, acknowledged the influence of Khamenei in the cabinet formation, writing on X that Pezeshkian had clearly stated that the cabinet members would be selected with Khamenei's opinion and approval.
A government of crisis
Political analyst Rouhollah Rahimpour summed up the situation by stating that Pezeshkian is starting his government with three major crises: political-security, social, and regional. The challenges facing this new administration are immense, and with a cabinet that appears to be more of the same rather than a harbinger of change, the prospects for meaningful reform in Iran look increasingly bleak.