Iran's Judiciary on Saturday handed a total of 12 years in prison to Iranian blogger Hossein Shanbehzadeh who was arrested in June after posting a single dot in response to a tweet by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
Shanbehzadeh posted the dot in May in a seemingly innocuous move but was arrested a few weeks later, after his reply garnered significantly more likes than Khamenei's original tweet, drawing widespread attention. His temporary detention order was extended in July for another month.
On August 31, his lawyer announced he has been sentenced to a total of 12 years in prison for spurious charges that are usually leveled by the Islamic Republic's Judiciary against activists to keep them jailed for long terms and intimidate others.
Shanbehzadeh, known for his candid critiques and social media presence, has been sentenced to five years in jail for "pro-Israel propaganda activity," four years for "insulting Islamic sanctities," two years for "spreading falsehoods" on social media, and one year for "anti-regime propaganda activity," his lawyer Amir Raisian told Shargh newspaper on Saturday.
Although sentenced to a total of 12 years, he is required to serve the longest term, which is five years, Raisian explained.
According to the lawyer, the Judiciary has not provided any evidence to prove that the defendant committed "pro-Israel propaganda activity". Raisian says the charge has been leveled against him based on his "private chats".
For his other charges, Raisian said the court cited his support for other political prisoners, portraying the country's situation negatively, using the hashtag "No to Execution," supporting the removal of mandatory hijab, creating a negative media atmosphere against Iran's elections, and expressing joy at the death of Iran's former president, Ebrahim Raisi, as evidence.
The lawyer says he will consider appealing the sentence after discussing it with his client in prison.
Shortly after his arrest in May, Shanbehzadeh's X account was deactivated, likely to prevent its misuse by security agencies, but his name trended on Persian-language X for hours as users highlighted his influence and fearless commentary.
Shanbehzadeh had previously been imprisoned in connection with the 2019 protests on charges of "insulting the sanctities and the leader of the Islamic Republic." His arrest this time led to accusations by IRGC-linked media, with reports claiming he was a "fugitive Mossad agent" with ties to Israeli intelligence and a history of insulting religious figures. The Ardabil prosecutor's office further alleged that Shanbehzadeh had been in contact with high-ranking Mossad officers and was arrested when trying to flee the country through northwestern borders.
In response to these accusations, Shanbehzadeh's family refuted the claims as "unjustifiable," emphasizing that he has always used his real identity on social media. They also pointed out that the charges were leveled just 24 hours after his arrest, without him having access to a lawyer.
The arrest has drawn outrage from social media users, many of whom link it directly to the viral comment Shanbehzadeh made under Khamenei's tweet. Chess grandmaster and Putin critic Garry Kasparov even responded to the news with a single dot on his X account.
Shanbehzadeh's case has raised alarms about Iran's history of using espionage charges against its critics, drawing comparisons to other high-profile cases, such as that of Maziar Ebrahimi, a businessman falsely accused of spying for Israel.
At the center of this storm is the newly installed Pezeshkian administration, which has sent mixed signals about its intentions, further exacerbating the public's concern.
Abdolnaser Hemmati, the Minister of Economy, has tried to calm the waters, stating in a televised interview that no shocking economic measures should be taken, as society cannot bear the brunt of a gasoline price hike or other economic shocks. He emphasized that “any decision to raise gasoline prices must take into account its inevitable inflationary effects.”
But how long can the government spend billions of dollars, selling the cheapest gasoline at around 2 cents a liter or less than 10 cents a gallon, especially when it must import some of it to make up for the shortfall in domestic production.
Yet, Hemmati's words stand in contrast to those of the head of government, Massoud Pezeshkian. In a meeting just days earlier, the new president made it clear that he sees no logic in continuing to subsidize gasoline. “There is no logic in buying gasoline at the open market dollar rate and selling it at a subsidized price,” he said, questioning whether the current policy could continue. His comments only deepened the sense of uncertainty and fear that a price increase might be imminent.
These contradictory remarks have left Iranians wondering what to expect. On one hand, Mohammadreza Aref, First Vice President, reassured the public that the government would not make “any hasty decisions” regarding a gasoline price increase. On the other, Pezeshkian's previous statements, including those made during his election campaign, indicate a belief that the current subsidy system is untenable. In a conversation with Ali Khamenei's website, Pezeshkian argued that Iran’s energy imbalance, where gasoline is purchased for billions of dollars and sold at a fraction of its cost, cannot continue indefinitely.
Pezeshkian’s inconsistent messaging, particularly during the election debates, has only added to the confusion. While he initially supported removing subsidies and raising prices to 250,000 rials (about 42 cents) per liter, he later backtracked, saying that his remarks were taken out of context and that, in governance, such decisions must be left to experts. However, these contradictions have done little to quell public fear, especially given Iran’s recent history.
The specter of past fuel protests looms large. Under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the quadrupling of fuel prices led to widespread unrest, with angry citizens setting fire to gas stations in Tehran. Similarly, Hassan Rouhani’s decision to triple gasoline prices sparked protests across the country, resulting in the deaths of nearly 1,500 people as the government suppressed dissent.
Currently, rationed gasoline is sold at 15,000 rials (2.5 cents) per liter, while non-rationed gasoline is sold at 30,000 rials (5 cents) per liter. For many, who earn less than 200 dollars per month a large increase could push an already struggling population to the brink.
Some believe that the Pezeshkian administration’s indecision is not just a political misstep; but it is a recipe for disaster. The country’s economic situation is dire, and people’s livelihoods are hanging by a thread. Rouydad24 news website in Tehran wrote on Saturday that “Any sudden price hike could lead to irreparable damage.”
As economic expert Mehdi Robati noted in a recent tweet, “Analyses based on the increase in gasoline prices and seeing this issue from a one-dimensional perspective are a banana peel under the feet of the Islamic Republic and will not bring any benefit to the country.”
Moreover, public trust in the government is at an all-time low. Many Iranians believe that if there were no fire, there would be no smoke—meaning if the government truly had no plans to raise gasoline prices, there would be no reason to discuss it. Instead, as reported by Rouydad 24, it appears that some advisors are attempting to prepare the public: shock them with the prospect of a significant price hike, only to then offer a gradual increase as a “compromise.”
This strategy is unlikely to succeed. The anger is palpable, with people expressing their discontent on social media. One viral video shows a farmer lambasting Pezeshkian’s comments, saying, “It’s not logical for you to increase gasoline prices and make us villagers and farmers poorer and more desperate by the day.”
Observers say the contradictions within the Pezeshkian administration are more than just political blunders—they are fuel for a fire that, if ignited, could engulf the nation in unrest once again.
The workers, some as young as 13, are being exploited by municipal contractors who prioritize cost-cutting over human dignity, said a report by Khabaronline website.
In neighborhoods across Tehran, the presence of Afghan children laboring in municipal services is a reminder of the city’s reliance on cheap, undocumented labor.
These children, who have fled conflict and instability in their home country, find themselves in a harsh new reality. Employed to clean streets, collect waste, and perform other menial tasks, they are paid a fraction of what Iranian workers earn and often receive their wages sporadically.
Lacking basic identification documents like bank cards, the children are voiceless. They cannot lodge complaints about unpaid wages or unsafe working conditions. Their plight is compounded by their invisibility in official statistics and reports, making them an easy target for exploitation.
Tehran City Council member Nasser Amani warned: “The oversight of municipal contractors is insufficient. I have seen firsthand that contractors employ very young foreign nationals, including children as young as 13 or 14 years old,” Amani stated.
Mohammad Amin Tavakkolizadeh, Tehran Municipality’s Deputy for Social Affairs, announced last year that a new plan would be implemented to remove children from municipal labor. However, this commitment has yet to be realized. Despite assurances, Afghan children continue to work under conditions that defy both legal and ethical standards.
“The promises made about eliminating child labor have not been fulfilled,” Amani said. “Municipal regulations are being flouted, and the children are still being exploited by contractors who are not held accountable.”
Iran's Labor Law prohibits the employment of children under the age of 15. Those aged 15 to 18, classified as "young workers," must undergo regular medical examinations conducted by the Ministry of Labor to be eligible to participate in the workforce.
The plight of Afghan children in Tehran is part of a broader pattern of exploitation involving foreign labor. The children work under dangerous conditions and receive inadequate compensation, often delayed for months. Their situation stands in contrast to Iranian workers, who are frequently deterred from such roles due to insufficient wages and job insecurity.
Amani pointed out: “The lack of regular and adequate payments, along with the absence of proper insurance, has led to a situation where Iranian workers are unwilling to take up such jobs. This reliance on cheap, undocumented labor perpetuates the cycle of exploitation.”
“Municipal officials currently say that urban service workers are paid between 120 to 130 million rials (about $200) per month, but we have checked and found that this is not the case. Some urban service workers and especially children receive between 40 to 60 million rials (70 to $100), or at most 70 million rials (115$),” added Amani.
The situation comes at a time when estimates suggest up to 10,000 Afghans enter Iran daily. This influx has pushed the Afghan population in the country to around 10 million, constituting more than 10% of Iran's total population.
The growing presence of Afghans has sparked a backlash from Iranians, many voicing concerns about the economic and social impact of accommodating such a large number of migrants, particularly as Iran grapples with its own economic crisis, declining public services, and rising unemployment.