Former judiciary top official Hossein Ali Amiri, notorious for the persecution of Jewish and Bahai'i communities, has been appointed as the new governor of Fars Province in southern Iran by order of new president Mahmoud Pezeshkian.
The appointment and several others involving figures freighted with accusations of human rights abuses may belie Pezeshkian's campaign pledges to ease government repression.
Journalist Noushabeh Amiri reacted on X, stating: “The notorious and anti-Semitic judge of Shiraz received his bonus and became the Fars governor. How nice that Pezeskian was elected!”
Under Amiri's rule, was the 1999 arrest of 13 Jews on charges of espionage for Israel amid an era marked by heightened tension for religious minorities in Iran.
In Shiraz, 13 Jewish citizens were accused of spying for Israel—a charge that the Islamic Republic has frequently used against both Jews and Baha'is since the 1979 revolution.
Due to pressure campaigns and secret negotiations, the prisoners were gradually released in small groups, with the final group freed on February 19, 2003.
Initial reports surfaced online on March 18 but went largely unnoticed amid the 2003 Iraq invasion. All the individuals released later emigrated to Israel, where they now live with their families.
Amiri’s tenure in Shiraz also coincided with a separate case in the 1980s, when 16 Baha’i men and women were executed in the city on similar charges of spying for Israel. The executions were carried out without transparent trials.
His return to Fars as the province's governor has reignited the trauma of his legacy, raising alarms among minority groups who fear a resurgence of similar state-backed oppression.
His reappointment by the Pezeshkian administration, despite his past record, may be a signal of the government’s ongoing commitment to targeting dissidents and religious groups.
Unofficial estimates suggest that over 300,000 Baha'is live in Iran, but the Constitution only recognizes Islam, Christianity, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism. This makes the Baha'i community the largest unrecognized religious minority, subjected to systematic persecution since the 1979 revolution.
“Iranian authorities deprive Baha’is of their fundamental rights in every aspect of their lives, not due to their actions, but simply for belonging to a faith group,” said Michael Page, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch in a report in April. “It is critically important to increase international pressure on Iran to end this crime against humanity.”
Amiri’s return coincides with the resurgence of another controversial figure in Fars Province: Asghar Torabpour, a former security chief known for his suppression of political prisoners and minorities during the 1980s. Torabpour served as head of prisons in multiple provinces, including Fars, and was directly involved in the mass executions of 1988, which saw thousands of political prisoners killed across Iran.
Torabpour now serves as Chief of Staff for the province’s blood money office.
Pezeshkian’s administration on Wednesday also announced the appointments of Mohammad Reza Babaei as governor of Yazd and Gholamhossein Mozaffari as governor of Khorasan Razavi.
Babaei, a top supporter of former president Ebrahim Raisi, was known for his criticisms of Hassan Rouhani's relatively moderate administration. He served as Deputy Planning Governor of Yazd under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad but resigned when Hassan Rouhani took office, despite being retained.
Gholamhossein Mozaffari has also been introduced as Khorasan Razavi governor. He is the only reformist appointee.
Pezeshkian, from the early days of his presidential campaign, promised reforms with figures from Hassan Rouhani’s cabinet, such as Mohammad Javad Zarif and Mohammad Javad Azari Jahromi, the former ministers of foreign affairs and communications, supporting him in the election.
However, in recent weeks, the new president's policies have led critics to accuse him of exploiting reformists and their voters during the presidential election. Earlier, he faced criticism over his cabinet picks, particularly for nominating Eskandar Momeni, who had an extensive military and law enforcement background and had played a role in suppressing popular protests in 2017, 2019, and 2022.
The attack, which took place in the Mezzah district of Damascus, resulted in the deaths of seven, and left 11 others injured, according to Syrian state media. The strike caused damage to nearby buildings, leading to widespread destruction in the area.
While Israel has not publicly commented on the incident, its military has conducted numerous strikes against Iran-linked targets in Syria in recent years. However, this latest attack comes amidst heightened tensions in the region following the October 7 Hamas assault on Israel, which triggered the ongoing Gaza conflict and Iran's proxies around the Jewish state acting in allegiance with the Iran-backed Palestinian group.
Hebrew-language media reports suggested the primary goal was to eliminate Fallahzadeh, with some pointing out the proximity of the targeted building to the Iranian embassy as possible evidence.
Syrian sources added further weight to the claims, noting that the building was only 500 meters from the embassy, a location that has long been seen as a hub of Iranian activity in Syria.
Israel's Channel 12 reported that the strike specifically targeted a meeting between commanders of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Iran's Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah, with Fallahzadeh reported to have been present at the time of the attack.
The Terror Alarm X account that covers events in Israel also reported that General Fallahzadeh was the primary target of the airstrike, further stoking rumors of a targeted killing.
Denials from Iranian sources
Iran was quick to reject the reports, the Iranian embassy in Syria issuing a statement emphasizing that no Iranian nationals were among the dead or injured. It echoes the April 1 attack, allegedly by Israel, on the Iranian consulate in Damascus, in which senior commanders were killed, along with multiple high ranking IRGC officials.
The strike would be the trigger for Iran's first direct attack on Israel, two weeks later, when Tehran sent a barrage of 350 drones, missiles and rockets towards the Jewish state, mostly intercepted by Israel and a US-led international coalition.
This was not the first time General Fallahzadeh’s name has surfaced in connection with Israeli strikes. In September 2023, similar reports circulated after an Israeli airstrike in Lebanon, but were quickly dismissed by IRGC officials.
Meanwhile, the top commander of Iran's overseas military operations, Esmail Qaani, has also been absent for several days, intensifying speculation as to whether he too may have been killed by Israeli forces.
Who is Fallahzadeh?
Mohammad Reza Fallahzadeh, born in the Yazd province of Iran in 1962, is a veteran commander in the IRGC. He gained prominence during the Iran-Iraq war and subsequently climbed the ranks of the IRGC, holding command positions in several provinces, including Fars, Isfahan, and Yazd.
Under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, Fallahzadeh served as the governor of Yazd province for six years, a political role that gave him additional visibility and influence within Iran.
Following the end of his gubernatorial tenure in 2013, he was transferred to Syria, where he became involved in military operations in support of Bashar al-Assad's regime during the Syrian Civil War. His role in key battles and his collaboration with Qassem Soleimani, the assassinated former commander of the Quds Force, killed by a US drone strike in 2020, earned him recognition.
During his time in Syria, Fallahzadeh was reportedly injured in an explosion, leading to his temporary return to Tehran for medical treatment. Despite this setback, he continued to rise through the ranks of the Quds Force and, in 2019, was appointed as its deputy coordinator. Following the death of his predecessor, Mohammad Hejazi, Fallahzadeh was promoted to deputy commander, making him the second-highest-ranking official in the Quds Force after Esmail Qaani.
Known by his battlefield nickname Abu Baqer, Fallahzadeh has become one of the most prominent figures in Iran’s extraterritorial military operations. His role within the Quds Force has involved coordinating Iran’s efforts across various regional conflicts, including supporting Hezbollah in Lebanon, militias in Iraq, and other proxy forces in the region.
The hardline faction has ramped up their opposition to the international anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing body after eight years of its appeals for compliance.
The infighting within the government comes at a time when Iran’s economy is grappling with sanctions, inflation, and widespread public dissatisfaction, posing challenges for new President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration. The FATF demands compliance with global rule on money laundering and terrorism financing among other requirements.
Iran continues to fail to meet FATF requirements to exit the organization’s blacklist, a designation that continues to isolate the country from international financial systems. However, the hardline faction, embedded within Iran’s power structure, views compliance with FATF as a threat to Iran’s regional influence, particularly its financial and military support for its proxy groups like Hezbollah and Hamas which the Islamic Republic has built to exert military influence across the region.
Abolfazl Aboutorabi, a member of Iran’s parliament, made the case against FATF clear in a statement earlier this week. He described the organization as "a tool and weapon in the hands of the enemy to pressure us so that we are forced to hand over our data to them."
Aboutorabi’s comments encapsulate the mistrust that many within Iran’s political elite have towards international institutions, fearing that adhering to the FATF’s standards would jeopardize Iran’s ability to maintain its alliances with regional proxy forces, which Tehran views as essential to its defense and regional strategy.
One of the most contentious aspects of the FATF debate in Iran is the Palermo Convention, which requires member countries to combat transnational organized crime.
Aboutorabi and other opponents argue that joining this convention would result in Iran labeling groups like Hezbollah and Hamas as "terrorist organizations," a move they say would cripple Iran’s ability to support what they call "liberation movements."
"If we join the Palermo Convention, we are cutting off our own strong arms," Aboutorabi warned, reflecting the belief among hardliners that FATF compliance would weaken Iran’s hand in the region.
The new president faces growing resistance
The internal discord over FATF poses a challenge for President Masoud Pezeshkian, who was elected on promises of economic reform. After an election campaign marked by low voter turnout and public disillusionment with the political system, Pezeshkian secured victory by promising to address the country’s dire economic situation amid the worst crisis since the founding of the Islamic Republic. But fulfilling these promises has become an uphill battle, as regional instability, particularly growing tensions with Israel, further complicate the situation.
Critics of FATF, bolstered by hardline media outlets like Kayhan, have framed the debate as a matter of national security. The newspaper, which frequently echoes the sentiments of Iran’s conservative establishment, wrote in a recent editorial that "we are in the middle of a war," and argued that joining FATF would tie Iran’s hands in supporting Hezbollah and other groups.
Kayhan accused the pro-FATF camp of “failing to grasp the gravity of the situation,” asserting that FATF membership would be tantamount to surrendering Iran’s strategic capabilities.
In late June, Iran remained on the FATF's blacklist after a meeting in Singapore. The blacklist status means that Tehran is subject to increased scrutiny and restrictions from international financial institutions on top of banking sanctions imposed by the United States.
Toby Dershowitz, Managing Director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, explained that being on the FATF blacklist carries both "reputational and real consequences," deterring foreign investment and complicating trade relations. "It sends a message to the whole financial system…that basically says it’s not safe to do business with Iran," Dershowitz said.
However, not everyone believes that exiting the blacklist will solve Iran’s problems. Nour News, a media outlet close to Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, stated on X on Tuesday that the government’s efforts to leave the FATF blacklist would not lead to improvements in foreign trade due to the "oppressive sanctions" still in place. Iran has been sanctioned for its nuclear program, support for Russia's war on Ukraine and rights abuses by the US and European countries.
The outlet emphasized that Iran should prioritize national production and strengthen ties with neighboring countries and regional economic organizations instead. "Focusing on national production and regional economic cooperation holds a higher priority," the post read. However, the policy of isolationism has further plunged Iran's economy into crisis.
President Pezeshkian’s administration continues to face pressure to resolve the FATF issue. According to Mahdi Ghodsi, an economist with the Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, FATF compliance could help normalize trade relations and reduce Iran’s reliance on black-market oil sales.
Ghodsi pointed out that while Iran continues to sell oil through intermediaries in countries like Malaysia, the profits from these sales primarily benefit a small group of government insiders, leaving ordinary Iranians to suffer the consequences of international isolation.
"So these are the people who we don't know. They are not part of the government. They are hidden financial apparatus that nobody cares about," Ghodsi told Iran International. "They're benefiting the government, but at the same time, they're benefiting themselves enormously."