US details Iranian plot to assassinate Trump

"In the land of prohibitions, she chose to act," Zara Agharezaei, dressed in her underwear, told Iran International TV. "This is my body, our body, the body of all women, and no one has the right to decide for us."

The female protesters, part of the Stage of Freedom group, gathered in front of the statue of London's Parliament Square. Dressed in red robes as characters from The Handmaid's Tale — a dystopian novel on the subjugation of women — they walked to Trafalgar Square and ended their march in Piccadilly Circus.

The Iranian student protester was arrested on Saturday after removing her clothing in response to an alleged assault by security forces at Tehran's Islamic Azad University over her hijab.

A video of the student sitting in the university’s Science and Research Branch courtyard quickly spread swiftly on Iranian social media, where some users identified her as Ahou Daryaei, a senior in French Literature, though her identity has not been confirmed. Authorities later said she was suffering a mental health incident.

That characterization fueled online backlash, with many viewing it as a familiar tactic by authorities to undermine female protesters by questioning their mental stability.

To raise awareness, the London activists handed leaflets to passersby that mentioned Arezou Khavari, a 16-year-old Afghan-Iranian student who took her own life this week reportedly due to school pressure over dress code issues.

A similar case emerged on Friday involving student Aynaz Karimi, who died by suicide after facing pressure over “failure to observe decorum,” including wearing nail polish and dyeing her hair which led to her expulsion, according to the Coordination Council of Iranian Educators' Trade Associations.

Since the Woman, Life, Freedom movement began—sparked by the death of young woman Mahsa Amini in police custody over hijab violations in September 2022—hardliners have increased efforts to enforce strict dress codes for women.

Despite widespread public defiance, the government has stepped up enforcement, leading to business closures and the impoundment of vehicles associated with hijab offenses.

Trump’s political comeback feels like a nightmare from which Khamenei struggles to awaken. According to Iran International senior political analyst Morad Veisi, in this nightmare, Khamenei faces a leader who killed his favored commander, Qasem Soleimani, crippled Iran's oil exports, and designated his Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization.

Four years ago, Khamenei was nearly certain Trump was gone for good. In his worldview, a political comeback seemed unthinkable. Yet the dynamics of US democracy have unexpectedly brought this challenge back to him.

In the three days since Trump’s victory, Khamenei has remained conspicuously silent about him, despite delivering at least one speech to the Assembly of Experts—a group of clerics responsible for selecting his successor. While he refrained from mentioning Trump or the US election directly, he labeled all US presidents as corrupt.

Khamenei appears to be weighing his options, contemplating whether to prepare for engagement with Trump's United States or to maintain a hostile stance, ignoring a development that has stunned many in the world. His choices are stark: confrontation or diplomacy.

Iranian foreign policy analyst Abdolreza Faraji-Rad, likely recognizing the difficulty of discussing the issue with Khamenei, suggested that President Masoud Pezeshkian should work to build consensus, even among his strongest opponents, on the need for someone in Iran to engage with Trump. Faraji-Rad also noted that Trump’s response to any Iranian outreach will largely depend on the tone of messages he receives from Tehran in the ten weeks leading up to his inauguration.

Faraji-Rad, however, emphasized that the purpose of approaching Trump should be lifting the US sanctions on Iran and Pezeshkian should do it by creating a balance in Iran's foreign policy. Faraji Rad is certainly not unaware of the fact that it is only Khamenei who determines and steers Iran's foreign policy.

Centrist politician Hamid Abutalebi, once a participant in the 1979 US Embassy seizure in Tehran, even suggested that Pezeshkian should congratulate Trump on his election. However, Pezeshkian is unlikely to act without Khamenei’s approval, and Khamenei is expected to reject such a move at this time. He has previously stated that Trump is unworthy of receiving any message from Iran.

Hardline commentator Abbas Salimi Namin, however, expressed absolute confidence that Iran will never negotiate with Trump. He emphasized that Iran prefers multilateral discussions on its nuclear program, engaging with a group of countries rather than negotiating solely with the United States.

Khamenei, however, faces a severe six-year economic crisis at home, driven in part by US sanctions. Iran’s currency is at an all-time low, having lost 18 times its value since 2018. He also contends with a strengthened Israel, which has significantly weakened his proxy forces in Gaza and Lebanon and has launched air strikes against targets within Iran.

Meanwhile, Davoud Heshmati, a columnist for the pro-reform Rouydad24 website, criticized Iranian officials for repeatedly claiming there’s no difference between Trump and other former US presidents. He argued that Trump adheres to a "peace through strength" philosophy, evident in his actions from the beginning of his first term until his 2018 withdrawal from the nuclear deal with a defiant Iran. Heshmati also warned that the window to negotiate with Trump may not remain open indefinitely.

International relations expert Hadi Khosrow-Shahi wrote that Trump does not support regime change in Iran, and his Middle East policies may even create opportunities for the country. He noted that Trump’s administration is likely to shift its focus from the Middle East to prioritize confronting China.

Commenting on Trump’s political comeback, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, a former member of Iran's parliamentary foreign relations committee, remarked, “Trump has returned with the same objectives, but with new methods to achieve them.”

Ahmad Shafaei, spokesperson for the drills, said that four militants were killed in the clash. Meanwhile, a Baluch activist Telegram channel reported that several civilians, including family members, were targeted and injured during the clashes, blaming IRGC forces.

IRGC-affiliated media, however, said that three civilians, including two women, were hurt by the assailants.

The incident comes amid a surge in violence in the region. Last month, the Sunni Baloch insurgent group Jaish al-Adl killed ten Iranian border guards in Taftan County. The United Nations Security Council condemned that attack as a "cowardly terrorist act."

Sistan-Baluchestan has been the site of frequent attacks linked to Jaish al-Adl, a group known for ambushes, bombings, and other violent actions that have led to civilian and security personnel casualties. Jaish al-Adl advocates for an independent Balochistan, spanning Baloch communities across the Iran-Pakistan border, and has carried out numerous armed attacks in Iran’s southeast.

The Baloch community, along with the Kurds, is among Iran’s most marginalized groups. Sistan-Baluchestan is one of the country’s poorest regions, marked by high unemployment and a lack of infrastructure. As a result, many residents have turned to smuggling fuel, goods, and, in some cases, drugs as a vital means of survival.

The reported involvement of Trump’s former Special Envoy for Iran, Brian Hook, on the State Department transition team has drawn attention from Iran watchers and Iranian Americans, who view it as a signal of a tougher stance toward Tehran following four years of more lenient policies under the Biden administration. However, Hook is not the only “Iran hawk” being considered for Trump’s senior policy team.

Former Ambassador Richard Grenell

Richard Grenell, former US ambassador to Germany during Trump’s first term, had an active role during his recent campaign and joined candidate Trump in his meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymir Zelensky, when he visited the US in September. Grenell’s name is being mentioned in the US media as a possible leading figure in Trump’s foreign policy team, either to lead the State Department or be a top presidential advisor.

Although Grenell is a staunch supporter of Trump’s policies, he is also an experienced diplomat, who is well familiar with Europe and their relations with Iran. In a recent interview with Newsmax, Grenell was cautious not to echo calls by some Trump supporters to cede Ukrainian territory to Russia. He told the interviewer that Ukraine’s territorial integrity is important, when asked if land concessions to Russia can stop the war. In the same interview, he criticized the US decision to allow Iranian President Massoud Pezeshkian to visit New York for the UN General Assembly, although he pointed out that Pezeshkian faced daily protests outside his hotel.

Grenell has also been a strong critic of Iran not just for its nuclear program and military and foreign policies, but also for its human rights record, particularly on LGBTQ rights. In April 2022, he told Iran International TV, “We know that they deny systemically, every single day, basic human rights for women, for gays and lesbians, for the general population”.

In April 2022, the former ambassador was sanctioned, along with 23 other US figures by Iran for “terrorist activity and human rights violations.” In his interview, Grenell argued that Tehran does not sanction Democrats because they “are darting towards the Iranian regime.” He went on to say, “The Biden administration is filled with total hypocrisy. They pretend to talk about human rights, but it doesn't come into their calculus… they're talking about giving money to the Iranian regime, they dropped the sanctions on the Iranian regime.”

Former National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien

Another former senior Trump national security aide being considered possibly for Secretary of State is Robert O’Brien, who previously served as Trump’s hostage negotiator and later as national security advisor. He played a key role in 2019 in releasing a Princeton graduate student, Xiyue Wang, imprisoned in Iran on a ten-year sentence, after a secret trial without due process. In fact it was a prisoner exchange without any monetary ransom being paid, compared to a deal the Biden administration made in 2023, when $6 billion of Iran’s frozen funds were released in exchange for five hostages.

O’Brien, a lawyer with extensive experience in foreign affairs, would add stability and depth to Trump’s national security and foreign policy team. He is well-versed in Iran-related issues and, in a December 2022 talk at the Council on Foreign Relations, strongly defended the stance of those opposing President Obama’s 2015 nuclear deal, criticizing it as a “$150 billion gift” to Tehran in exchange for a weak agreement.

“I remember at the time President Obama had a very eloquent inauguration speech when he said: We’ll reach out our hand if you’ll unclench your fist. Well, we reached out our hand with 150 billion (dollars) in it, and they took the 150 billion (dollars) and spent it on Kata’ib Hezbollah and on the Houthis and on Hamas and on the Assad regime and created death and mayhem all over the Middle East,” he argued.

O’Brien does not perceive Iran’s Islamic government as pliable to change its ideological essence. Criticizing Western liberal notions that financial enrichment can lead to political liberalization, he said, “Well…if we trade with them, and we give them concessions, they’ll become rich, they’ll become more like us, they’ll become more democratic. The Iranian regime became more autocratic, exported more terrorism, created more mayhem in the world, killed more Americans and others. So bad idea from the start.”

The former national security advisor holds the view that Iran must make major concessions not just on its nuclear program, but also its ballistic missiles and its regional interventions – crucial points in Trump’s demands when he withdrew from the JCPOA. Agreeing that eventually there should be a deal with Iran, O’Brien has said, “There’s a ballistic missile program that holds Israel at risk, but all of our allies in Europe and eventually will hold us at risk, should be curtailed and stopped. The nuclear program should be stopped. And support of terrorism in the region should be stopped. And the attempts to assassinate former government officials and dissidents in America and Europe should stop.”

Sen. Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.)

US media also mention Republican Senator Bill Hagerty as a possible Secretary of State, Treasury or Commerce. He served as trump’s ambassador to Japan and was an economic advisor in the George W. Bush White House.

Hagerty has been outspoken on Iran related issues in the Senate, often criticizing the Biden administration’s policies and conduct regarding the Middle East and joining other Republicans demanding more pressure on Tehran.

He sharply criticized the administration earlier this year for not being candid about its Iran envoy Robert Malley who was suspended in 2023 for alleged security breaches at his job. He also accused Malley of being behind lack of sanctions enforcement by the administration. He told a Senate panel that the Iran envoy convinced the US government “to look the other way,” so that Iran could sell more oil to China in exchange for limiting its nuclear activities. “It is a disgrace,” he told the panel.

Hagerty also slammed the $6 billion deal that led to the release of five prisoners held by Iran, and on many occasions criticized Tehran’s human rights violations.

Another major political figure being mentioned as a possible Secretary of State is Florida Senator Marco Rubio, who holds strong pro-Israel views and has regularly blamed Iran for creating mayhem in the region. In April, after an Iranian missile attack on Israel, Rubio told the CNN, “Iran knows it cannot beat Israel militarily. But what it does aspire to do is make Israel an impossible place to live in and a place no one wants to visit.”

Following Iran's ballistic missile strikes on Israel on October 1, and the likelihood of Israeli retaliatory strikes on Iranian oil facilities, especially the Kharg oil terminal, Iran’s oil loadings sharply declined.

Arman Azizian, a senior analyst at the energy consulting firm Vortexa, told Iran International that Iran's loadings of crude and biproducts dropped to 1.5 million barrels per day in October, with most of this decline occurring in the first half of the month.

Homayoun Falakshahi, a senior analyst at the commodity data intelligence firm, Kpler, told Iran International that Iran's loadings fell from 1.826 mb/d in September to 1.473 mb/d last month, marking a daily decline of around 350,000 barrels, which equates to a loss of $800 million in oil export value during the month.

In 2018, then President Trump withdrew from the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), leading to a rapid drop in Iran’s oil exports—from 2.5 million barrels per day (mb/d) to just 350,000 barrels within two years. As a result, Iran’s oil revenue in 2020 fell to less than one-tenth of its 2017 levels.

With the Biden administration’s lenient approach, Iran’s daily oil exports saw a significant increase each year, peaking at a record 1.85 mb/d in September of this year, the highest level in five years.

China is the main buyer of Iranian crude oil, having imported an average of over 1.5 million barrels per day from Iran in the first ten months of this year, accounting for 94% of Iran's total oil exports. During the same period, Iran also sent around 46,000 barrels per day to Syria and about 20,000 barrels to Brunei and unknown destinations.

Trump’s Return

Donald Trump’s return to the White House might endanger the Iranian government’s daily crude oil export target of 1.85 million barrels in next year’s budget—250,000 barrels more than Iran’s average oil exports this year and 550,000 barrels more than last year.

With Trump’s return, Iran’s oil exports are not expected to plummet suddenly to 2020 levels (350,000 barrels per day). However, the growth will certainly not continue and will likely experience a gradual decline.

Iran’s oil buyers in China are mostly small, independent refineries, which might resist US pressure for a while. Ultimately, however, given the $575 billion annual trade between China and the US, it seems unlikely that Beijing will withstand demands for a significant reduction in Iranian oil imports.

Moreover, Iran’s expanded ability to export more oil to China due to weak US sanctions enforcement since 2021 has led to a reduction in the discount it offers Chinese refineries—from $13 in 2023 to under $4 in recent months. However, a tougher US approach under the upcoming administration could prompt Chinese refineries to cut their Iranian oil purchases and demand larger discounts to continue buying.

Additionally, almost all Iranian oil exports to China are facilitated through intermediaries in Iraq, Oman, and especially Malaysia, incurring significant costs for Iran to evade sanctions. With Trump poised to enforce stricter measures, these intermediary costs are expected to increase substantially.