European Union (EU) nations are seeking guarantees from Syria's new leaders that they will distance themselves from Russia and Iran and work towards a peaceful future for Syria after years of civil war.
“Russia and Iran are not your friends, (and) are not helping you if you are in trouble. They left Assad’s regime, and that is a very clear message showing that their hands are full elsewhere and they are weakened,” EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said on Monday, addressing Syria’s new leaders.
During a meeting of EU foreign ministers, Kallas added that the EU wants a stable, peaceful, and inclusive political future for Syria, free from the influence of extremist groups and foreign powers like Russia and Iran.
“Syria faces an optimistic, positive, but rather uncertain future, and we have to make sure that this goes to the right direction,” Kallas added.
Since Damascus fell on December 8 and Bashar Assad fled to Moscow, Syria’s transition has been unexpectedly smooth, with minimal reports of violence or chaos. The interim government, led by former opposition group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), considered a terrorist organization by the EU and US, will govern until March. Arab leaders have called for UN-supervised elections, while the EU plans to send an envoy to discuss Syria's future leadership.
Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares said on Monday that Syria’s new leaders must understand that the EU has red lines which should be respected before sanctions on the country are lifted. “We must make sure that there (is) no foreign interference,” he said.
His French counterpart Jean-Noël Barrot also told reporters that before any sanctions are lifted or EU aid sent to Syria, some conditions must be met, including a political transition with all Syrian minority groups represented, the respect of women and human rights, and the rejection of extremism.
Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp said that “regarding the Russian military bases in Syria, we want the Russians out.”
Syria, affected by decades of Assad family governance, grapples with widespread poverty, high inflation, unemployment and systemic challenges.
Millions have sought refuge abroad, including hundreds of thousands in Europe. While some EU countries have paused new asylum applications for Syrians, support is being extended to those choosing to return voluntarily.
The appointee, Abdulrahman Fattahi—an Iranian-born Sunni cleric and former imam—brings a history of Salafi activism and ideological influence that could help shape HTS’s strategy toward Iran and the Kurdish regions.
Sources close to Fattahi, who withheld their identity for security reasons, told Iran International that his early influence drew criticism from Iranian authorities and eventually led to multiple arrests, culminating in his imprisonment before his departure to Syria in 2015.
Shaped by Salafi teachings
Fattahi’s religious education began in mosques in Mahabad, where he studied Islamic theology under Kurdish clerics. His leanings toward Salafi ideology deepened after he traveled to Iraqi Kurdistan in 1992 to study under Abdulqader Tawhidi, a leading figure in the Tawhid Movement for Iranian Sunnis. Tawhidi’s teachings, rooted in emulating the practices of Salafism, shaped Fattahi’s doctrinal beliefs.
Fattahi, also known as Abu Safiya al-Kurdi, has spent decades advocating Salafi-jihadi ideology. Born in Sulgheh, a village near Mahabad in Iran’s Kordestan Province, his early life and religious studies set the foundation for a trajectory that led from local leadership to regional prominence.
After completing his studies in 1996, Fattahi joined the Islamic Movement of Kurdistan, which maintained ties with Iran’s government. He returned to Iran in the late 1990s, where he became the imam of Ziveh, a village near Mahabad. His Salafi views gained him followers but also drew scrutiny, with Iranian authorities repeatedly detaining him. His last arrest in 2011 resulted in a three-year sentence in Rajaei Shahr Prison near Tehran.
Rise in Syria’s jihadist networks
After his release in 2014, Fattahi left Iran and joined jihadist groups in Syria, where he became a prominent figure in the Movement of Sunni Migrants of Iran. This HTS-aligned faction, formed in 2019, consists of Iranian Sunni jihadists who pledged allegiance to HTS’s predecessor, Jabhat al-Nusra.
In HTS-controlled Idlib, Fattahi rose to senior positions, serving as a Sharia judge and Mufti. Video footage shows him delivering fiery sermons in Kurdish, praising figures like Osama bin Laden and denouncing Iran’s Shia rulers as “Rawafid” (rejectors). In these speeches, he vowed to “liberate Iran’s Sunnis from occupation.”
The source who spoke to Iran International detailed Fattahi’s ability to inspire Kurdish jihadists. His rhetoric, the source said, “combines religious authority with political strategy, making him a key figure in HTS’s evolving regional plans.”
Fattahi’s reported appointment as deputy for Iranian affairs to HTS leader Abu Mohammad al-Joulani signals a potential shift in the group’s regional strategy.
Al-Joulani recently described Iran’s presence in Syria as a significant threat. He said: “We were able to end the Iranian presence in Syria, but we are not enemies of the Iranian people.”
Fattahi’s Kurdish roots and ideological stance position him to influence HTS’s approach to both Iran and the Kurdish regions. His prominence suggests that HTS is leveraging Iranian Sunni dissidents to consolidate its control in Idlib while countering Tehran’s influence in Syria.
For Tehran, Fattahi’s role represents a direct ideological and strategic challenge. His leadership highlights the enduring influence of transnational Sunni jihadist networks and highlights the vulnerabilities posed by Iranian Sunni dissidents.
As HTS seeks to balance its Salafi roots with pragmatic goals in Syria’s fragmented conflict, figures like Fattahi demonstrate the group’s adaptability.
His ascent could also further complicate Iran’s efforts to maintain its foothold in Syria - a key smuggling route to its military allies in the region and trade route amidst sanctions - while countering the resurgence of Sunni militancy on its borders.
Salafis, an ultraconservative branch of Sunni Islam, emphasize a return to the practices and beliefs of the early Muslim community (the Salaf Salih or pious predecessors) and often view later interpretations of Islamic teachings as deviations.
Their rigid adherence to this ideology has historically put them at odds with Shia Muslims, whom they label as Rawafid (rejectors) for not recognizing the legitimacy of the first three caliphs and for their veneration of Imams. Salafis accuse Shias of deviating from the core principles of Islam, regarding many of their rituals and beliefs as innovations (bid’ah) forbidden in Islam.
This animosity has fueled sectarian tensions in regions where Salafis seek influence, often leading to violent clashes. Militant Salafi-jihadi groups, such as ISIS and al-Qaeda, have taken this opposition to an extreme, targeting Shias in their campaigns, excommunicating them (takfir), and justifying violence against them as part of their broader ideological and political objectives. This sectarian divide continues to play a significant role in the dynamics of conflicts across the Middle East.
Senior figures, including IRGC Commander Hossein Salami and Rasoul Sanaei-Rad from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s ideological office, have painted a picture of steadfast Iranian commitment while pointing to strategic failures within Assad’s leadership as the root cause of Syria’s collapse.
On Sunday, Hossein Salami described Iran’s intervention in Syria as a moral and strategic necessity. “Everyone saw that as long as we were there, the Syrian people lived [easily], because we were seeking their dignity,” he said.
Rejecting any ambitions of territorial expansion, Salami said, “We did not go to annex part of Syria’s land to our own; we went to ensure the dignity of Muslims would not be destroyed.”
Since 2011 alone, the Syrian Network for Human Rights estimates at least 23,000 Syrians have been killed, 87 percent by Syrian military and Iranian security forces.
In contrast, Rasoul Sanaei-Rad, a political affairs official at Ali Khamenei's office, adopted a more critical tone, focusing on Assad’s leadership failings. He called Assad’s fall disastrous and laid blame on “the deception of a portion of the Syrian people who supported the armed groups in taking control of their country’s fate.”
Sanaei-Rad said the events were caused by a “strategic mistake on Assad’s part,” a rare acknowledgment from Iranian officials of the limits of their allies’ effectiveness.
Bashar al-Assad’s fall marked a seismic shift in the region. The conflict began in 2011 amid widespread protests against corruption and authoritarian rule. Escalating violence by the government turned those protests into a full-scale war, with opposition groups such as the Free Syrian Army and Islamist factions like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) exploiting Assad’s military losses. Even with extensive support from Iran and its Lebanese militia, Hezbollah, the government’s fragmentation and economic collapse proved insurmountable.
Iran’s involvement in the conflict was extensive. The IRGC, led by Qassem Soleimani, played a central role in organizing pro-Assad forces, while Tehran also mobilized Shia militias from Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. These forces provided critical support in key battles but could not prevent Assad’s ultimate downfall.
Iran deflects defeat, reaffirms regional role
Iranian officials have been quick to frame Assad’s fall not as a failure but as part of a larger struggle in the region. Esmail Kowsari, a member of Iran’s parliament and former IRGC commander, acknowledged on Sunday the difficulties in supporting Assad’s government.
“Until the very last moment, the Islamic Republic maintained its connection with Bashar al-Assad, but his inner circle, including the prime minister and some army commanders, were creating obstacles,” he said.
Similarly, the Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom emphasized the enduring strength of the so-called Resistance Front, made up of anti-Israel and anti-US militias around the region such as the Houthis in Yemen and Hamas in Gaza, which Iran sees as central to its geopolitical strategy.
In a statement, the group said, “The Resistance Front remains active in the unified struggle against Israel, under the shadow of divine support and assistance, and will not be rendered passive by the losses and costs of the Syrian government’s fall.”
Yemen's Houthis are still blockading global shipping in the Red Sea region and firing projectiles at Israel while Israel remains at war with Hamas in Gaza. A fragile 60-day ceasefire is underway between Israel and Hezbollah but militias in Iraq remain active.
The messaging from Iranian officials underscores the divide in the legacy left by Iran's interference in Syria, a key base militarily and economically for Tehran.
While figures like Salami insist that Iran’s involvement in Syria was a success, others such as Sanaei-Rad’s criticism of Assad’s leadership faults signals a willingness to distance Tehran from the perceived failures of its ally.
While Iranian leaders reject the notion of defeat, Assad’s fall has undeniably strained Tehran’s resources and credibility. The intervention came at great financial and human cost, and its ultimate inability to sustain Assad’s government highlights the limitations of Iran’s influence.
In addition to being a corridor to fund and arm Iran's allies, Syria was also a critical trade route for the likes of Iranian oil amidst global sanctions.
By shifting blame to Assad’s errors, Iranian officials are now desperately trying to reframe a drastic landscape change.