Enrichment to 93% is Iran’s right under NPT, lawmakers tell UN watchdog

“It is unclear what was discussed over the past month. There is no detail on substance or format, nor any indication of whether an agreement is likely,” Vatan Emrooz wrote in its editorial following the fourth round of talks in Oman last weekend.

“The US’s repeated calls to halt enrichment cast doubt on its seriousness … Perhaps the only objective at this point is to ensure the talks do not collapse,” the editorial added.

While the ultra-conservative daily was more subdued than usual, the message was clear: the process, not the outcome, is what matters.

Kayhan, a hardline paper closely aligned with the Supreme Leader’s office, also struck a defiant tone, giving a rare front-page place to foreign minister Abbas Araghchi who said Tehran will not negotiate enrichment.

Muted optimism, missing details

Other outlets—across both reformist and conservative camps—offered a more coordinated and cautiously positive framing, though still with limited substance. Etemad and Jomhouri Eslami both described the talks as successful but provided no insight into what had actually transpired.

The only notable detail was Etemad’s assertion that the latest round of talks were both direct and indirect, clearly contradicting the official line that the negotiations had been strictly indirect.

Two prominent political commentators, Mohammad Sadeq Javadi-Hesar and Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, acknowledged the information vacuum but urged against equating public messaging with actual policy.

"The outcome of the fourth round of talks has isolated warmongers and opponents of Iran," Javadi-Hesar wrote in Etemad on Monday.

Falahtpisheh went one step further, commenting on US politics. “If both sides have decided to continue negotiations, it means that Steve Witkoff’s statement before the talks, about ending enrichment in Iran, was aimed at silencing opposition within the US.”

A Consortium on the Table?

One potentially significant development came via Khorassan, a conservative daily, which reported that Oman’s Foreign Minister Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi had proposed a regional “nuclear consortium” involving Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE—with the United States as a symbolic shareholder.

Khorasan quoted Witkoff as describing the idea as “a surprise that can be considered.” Such an arrangement, the paper asserted, could address regional security concerns about Iran’s nuclear transparency and dilute fears of its technological monopoly.

Most upbeat was the Reform-aligned daily Sharq, which described the talks in Oman as a new life to diplomacy. And most eloquent, perhaps, was the centrist outlet Ham-Mihan, printing “back to square one” on its front page.

Iran will not accept zero enrichment or transfer of its enriched uranium abroad, the daily wrote in its editorial, unless there is a phased agreement and verifiable US sanctions relief.

Speaking at the US-GCC summit in Riyadh, Trump said, “I want to make a deal with Iran. But for that to happen, it must stop sponsoring terror, halt its bloody proxy wars and permanently and verifiably cease its pursuit of nuclear weapons.”

Iran maintains its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.

Last month, the head of the UN's nuclear watchdog, Rafael Grossi, said: “Iran is not far from having a nuclear problem. They don’t have it, we know it, but the material for it is already there. To make a few warheads.”

Trump accused his predecessor, President Joe Biden, of emboldening Iran and undermining US allies in the Persian Gulf. “Everyone at this table knows where my loyalties are,” he said. “Those days are over.”

The summit in Riyadh took place during the first leg of Trump’s tour of the Persian Gulf as the US seeks to revitalize ties with regional allies and broker new economic and security partnerships. Trump traveled to Doha on Wednesday.

During the visit in Riyadh, Trump also announced a $600-billion investment agreement with Saudi Arabia, covering sectors from energy and defense to mining and technology.

On Tuesday, Trump, speaking before Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and other top Saudi and US officials, delivered a wide-ranging speech criticizing Iran while expressing willingness to strike a new nuclear deal.

Framing Tehran as the main obstacle to regional peace, Trump said, “The biggest and most destructive of these forces is the regime in Iran,” blaming it for destabilizing Syria, Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq, and Yemen.

He contrasted Iran’s decline with the Persian Gulf’s growth, noting that while “you have been constructing the world’s tallest skyscrapers,” Iran’s infrastructure is “collapsing into rubble.”

“If Iran’s leadership rejects this olive branch,” he warned, the US would impose massive maximum pressure to stop it from acquiring a nuclear weapon.

Iranian officials swiftly pushed back. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, speaking on the sidelines of a cabinet meeting in Tehran on Wednesday, dismissed Trump’s remarks as provocative and misleading.

“Trump tries to portray Iran as the source of insecurity. But who killed 60,000 people in Gaza? Are we the ones spreading chaos?” Araghchi asked, in comments aired by state television, referring to US support of Israel in its war on Iran-backed Hamas in Gaza.

He rejected Trump’s threat of renewed pressure, saying, “The policy of maximum pressure has already failed.”

Araghchi added that Iran remains committed to dialogue and is awaiting further coordination by Oman, which has been mediating backchannel talks between Tehran and Washington.

“It is America that, through its sanctions over the past forty-some years, along with its pressures and its military and non-military threats, has hindered the progress of the Iranian nation; the one responsible for the economic problems is America,” he said.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei also denied that nuclear negotiations were at an impasse.

“The fact that both Iran and the US want the talks to continue means the negotiation process is still ongoing,” he said.

He said details about the next round of talks will be announced by Oman soon.

President Masoud Pezeshkian said on Tuesday evening, “If we stand together, America will be powerless against us.”

In a surprise move during his stay in Riyadh, Trump also announced the lifting of US sanctions on Syria, following a landmark meeting with Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa—the first such encounter between leaders of the two nations in over two decades.

“We’re taking them all off. Good luck Syria, show us something very special,” Trump said at a US-Saudi investment forum.

The US leader also touted a recent ceasefire with Yemen’s Houthi rebels, a key Iran ally, and a diplomatic breakthrough in South Asia, where American mediation reportedly helped de-escalate tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan.

As the summit convened on Wednesday, Saudi Foreign minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud said Riyadh fully supports the US-Iran nuclear talks and hopes for positive results.

"Regarding the nuclear file, there is full support for the ongoing talks between the United States and Iran. We hope that these talks will lead to a positive outcome that ensures the stability of the region."

Oman’s Deputy Prime Minister for International Affairs, Al Sayyid Asaad Tariq Taimur Al Said, also expressed optimism that a nuclear deal with Iran could still be reached.

Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa echoed that sentiment, saying continued dialogue would “bolster stability and improve prosperity across the region.”

Whether Oman’s mediation can bridge the divide remains to be seen.

While the sentence remains in place, the case has entered a new phase. Judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei has approved preliminary steps to examine the ruling.

“According to legal procedure, the case will be examined by relevant experts to assess whether the verdict contradicts Sharia,” Tataloo’s lawyer Majid Naghshi told the Revolutionary Guards-linked Fars News Agency.

“If confirmed, the file will be sent to a parallel court branch for a final ruling.” He added that the process occurs only once and emphasized, “No final decision has been made yet, but this is a step forward in the legal path.”

Tataloo’s sister, Naghmeh Maghsoudloo, also announced the decision, noting that the case is now under Supreme Court review.

The singer remains imprisoned in Tehran’s Fashafuyeh facility, serving a 10-year sentence for “encouraging corruption.” Other charges include disrupting Islamic law, operating a gambling platform and publishing obscene content.

A separate blasphemy case led to a three-year sentence for insulting sanctities and initially, a death sentence for insulting the Prophet—a charge from which he had first been acquitted before a later court reversed the ruling.

The 37-year-old artist had lived in Istanbul since 2018, where he remained active on social media and announced plans to establish a so-called “Sultan’s Palace,” inviting girls between 15 and 20 to join. Instagram removed his account in 2019 over misogynistic content and promotion of child marriage.

On December 4, 2023, Turkish police arrested Tataloo following a complaint from the Iranian consulate in Istanbul, which accused him of harassing consular staff. He was later extradited to Iran and taken into custody at the Bazargan border.

Public figures across Iranian cultural life have rallied in opposition to the sentence. Rapper Toomaj Salehi, footballer Mehdi Taremi, actress Sahar Ghoreishi and bodybuilding champion Hadi Choopan all denounced the ruling in separate statements.

“You insulted all my sisters. But my heart cannot bear your voice being silenced,” Salehi wrote online, referring to Tataloo's controversial remarks against Mahsa Amini, the girl whose death in police custody sparked Iran's 2022 Woman Life Freedom protests.

Tataloo’s uncle, Mohammadali Maghsoudloo, revealed in an interview that the singer married inside prison just one week ago. He added that officials have provided accommodations for Tataloo’s vegetarian diet while in custody.

Once promoted by state-linked figures—he famously released a pro-nuclear anthem in 2015 and appeared with Ebrahim Raisi during the 2017 campaign—Tataloo later became a pariah, accused of corrupting youth and drawing numerous complaints from many families, according to the judiciary-affiliated Mizan News Agency.

In court, he expressed remorse, saying, “I didn’t get proper training, and I made a mistake.” Court documents also referenced a personal letter in which he asked to “marry, have children and pursue music in the right way.”

Once the death sentence is lifted, the case will move into the hands of Iran’s Supreme Court—an uncommon reversal in a legal system rarely swayed by public figures or online campaigns.

The network facilitated "the shipment of millions of barrels of Iranian crude oil worth billions of dollars to China on behalf of Iran’s Armed Forces General Staff (AFGS) and its front company, Sepehr Energy Jahan Nama Pars (Sepehr Energy)," a statement by the State Department said.

Iran International reported that Sepehr Energy company worked on behalf of the Iranian military and spawned a network of shell companies to sell sanctioned Iranian oil to Asia and did business with a Netherlands-based firm that was aware of its government ties.

Business documents and emails obtained by Iran International revealed a layered network of shell companies used to mask the military links and channel the sanctioned oil through foreign intermediaries.

In a separate statement on Tuesday, the US Treasury Department said "nearly two dozen firms operating in multiple jurisdictions in virtually every aspect of Iran’s illicit international oil trade" were targeted in the latest designations.

One of the entities sanctioned by the US Treasury on Tuesday was Xin Rui Ji, a company cited in Iran International's reporting.

"The Iranian government allocates billions of dollars’ worth of oil annually to its armed forces to supplement their budget allocations, underwriting the development of ballistic missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles, as well as financing regional terrorist groups," the Treasury said.

The State Department also said that "the revenue from the sale of this oil funds the development of ballistic missiles and UAVs, nuclear proliferation, and Iran’s terrorist proxies, including the Houthis’ attacks on Red Sea Shipping, the US Navy, and Israel."

“Today’s action underscores our continued focus on intensifying pressure on every aspect of Iran’s oil trade, which the regime uses to fund its dangerous and destabilizing activities,” said Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent.

“The United States will continue targeting this primary source of revenue, so long as the regime continues its support for terrorism and proliferation of deadly weapons.”

Before traveling to Saudi Arabia on May 12, Trump reaffirmed his opposition to Iran acquiring nuclear weapons, while praising Iranian negotiators for being, in his words, very reasonable and very intelligent.

Despite pillorying Tehran at length in a speech in Saudi Arabia the next day, the comments suggested an openness to continued dialogue—even amid mounting pressure from within his own ranks.

Trump’s position reflects a carrot-and-stick strategy: applying sanctions while keeping the door open for a potential deal. Yet, internal divisions are growing.

Middle East envoy and chief negotiator Steven Witkoff told Breitbart last week that no level of uranium enrichment should take place in Iran—opposing the allowances made under the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

Witkoff’s remarks echo those of hawkish Republicans who reject even limited enrichment under international monitoring. Witkoff once again aligned himself with that position, signaling that any new deal could be more restrictive than the 2015 deal.

In the same interview, however, Witkoff distanced himself from advocates of military action, accusing them of a “bias toward war.” He emphasized that Trump prioritizes diplomacy, arguing that critics underestimate the risks of armed confrontation.

The messaging—hardline on enrichment, moderate on military force—underscores the absence of a unified Republican policy.

Trump himself has sent conflicting signals. In an interview with Hugh Hewitt on 7 May, he reaffirmed his desire to end Iran’s uranium enrichment but also indicated a willingness to hear justification for maintaining some nuclear infrastructure.

Elusive positions

A week—and one more round of talks—later, we are none the wiser about the Trump administration’s red lines.

US vice president J.D. Vance has taken a more flexible position, suggesting a tightly monitored, limited centrifuge program could be acceptable. His stance diverges from that of US secretary of state Marco Rubio and Witkoff’s latest, betraying disagreement at the very top.

In Tehran, the message has been more consistent—in public at least. The right to enrich uranium is non-negotiable, foreign minister Abbas Araghchi posted on X on the eve of the fourth round of talks.

Enrichment, in reality, is what gives supreme leader Ali Khamenei the leverage he has always sought to face his western ‘enemies.’

Khamenei’s strategy, as far as can be surmised from his decisions in the last two decades, is to remain close to the nuclear threshold without crossing it, standing on the brink without falling into the abyss of war.

Despite this impasse, both sides agreed to extend the negotiations, signaling a desire to avoid blame for their collapse. Still, the fundamental disagreement over enrichment remains unresolved.

Witkoff has also called for the talks to address Iran’s regional conduct, particularly its support for armed groups like Hezbollah and the Houthis. He argues any deal should reduce the Islamic Republic’s hostile actions against the US and Israel.

These positions are yet to be formalized, but the rulers in Tehran appear to have used whatever influence they have with the Houthis to calm the Red Sea and ease pressure on Iran’s negotiators.

But the link between nuclear diplomacy and regional security remains tenuous.

Fraught issue

Historically, the US strategy on Iran’s nuclear program has fluctuated. The Bush administration failed to enforce a zero-enrichment model; the Obama administration accepted a 3.67% cap to delay Iran’s breakout capacity. Trump’s second-term ambitions appear to aim higher—but face the same practical limits.

UN nuclear chief Rafael Grossi asserted recently that completely eliminating Iran’s program may no longer be achievable.

Also significant is public opinion in the US. In a recent poll by the University of Maryland, more than two-thirds of respondents said they preferred a negotiated deal to curb Iran’s nuclear activities, with only 14% backing military action.

On this point at least, and for now, President Trump appears to be reflecting the popular will, letting diplomacy run its course while pursuing his maximum pressure campaign of sanctions, hoping to force Iranians to blink first.

Unclear to nearly all watching the talks—and perhaps even to those involved in it—is how far and how long he is willing to go without visible results.