Iran's former president Hassan Rouhani talking to supreme leader Ali Khamenei while security chief Ali Larijani listens
Pressure is building inside Iran’s political establishment for a fundamental change of course, with former president Hassan Rouhani joining a growing chorus warning that continued rigidity could lead to paralysis or trigger renewed unrest.
The convergence — from reformist academics to former officials close to the Supreme Leader — points to an unusual degree of agreement that the status quo, especially after the June war with Israel, is unsustainable.
“There is no way to save the country except for all of us to become servants of the people — to recognize that sovereignty belongs to the people,” moderate outlet Entekhab quoted Rouhani as saying on Thursday. “The Iranian nation owns Iran.”
Rouhani also urged an overhaul of media regulations to allow private broadcasters alongside the state’s. “We should have 10, 20, 30 channels that are private, owned by the people,” he said. “If we want the people to be with us, this is the way.”
‘Obligation to negotiate’
Rouhani’s remarks come amid a season of acute pressures — a setback in the June conflict with Israel, an economy battered by sanctions and mismanagement, and rolling water and electricity outages in a sweltering summer that have pushed many Iranians to the edge.
President Masoud Pezeshkian has in recent weeks all but raised his hands in defeat, implying that real power lies elsewhere when it comes to key policies such as relations with the United States.
Rouhani picked up where Pezeshkian left off.
“If we can improve relations with Europe, our neighbors, and both East and West—even reduce tensions with the United States—and it serves our interests, then why not?” he said.
“Not only is there nothing wrong with it, it is our duty and obligation.”
‘Iran in ruins’
Prominent sociologist Taqi Azad Armaki went further, calling for an ideological shift toward a normal state.
“The government has only two options: change its outdated approaches or face a deadlock,” he said on Wednesday. “Iran must embrace global norms to overcome its political, economic, and cultural challenges and improve its international image.”
But the most scathing take came from former MP Parvaneh Salahshoouri, who appeared to address Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei directly.
“With its ‘Islamic Ummah’ doctrine, the Islamic Republic built neither an ummah nor preserved the Iranian nation,” she posted on X, citing the Arabic word for religious community—central to the thinking and behavior of Iran’s theocratic rule.
“What remains is a ruined Iran, and from the Islamic Ummah, only curses and hatred toward it,” she added, leaving little doubt as to whom she blamed with direct references to Khamenei’s catchphrases.
“(The Islamic Republic) squandered ‘dignity and wisdom’ with the ‘no war, no negotiations’ stance — and yet there was both war and negotiations — and now it is even struggling to preserve Iran itself.”
Iran’s judiciary dismissed or convicted 138 employees for corruption in the past year, the head of its Protection and Intelligence Center, Ali Abdollahi, said on Wednesday.
Between March 20 last year and now—covering the current Iranian year—"nearly 400 cases involving lawyers and legal experts were sent to disciplinary or judicial bodies for rulings,” he added.
The announcement comes amid a separate high-profile case in Tehran, where 20 people — including six judiciary staff, five lawyers, four notaries and five legal consultants — were arrested this month over bribery and influence-peddling linked to a major judicial complex.
Authorities said the group engaged in “structured bribery, corruption, and manipulation of legal outcomes,” seizing gold, jewelry and foreign currency in related raids.
Abdollahi also said on Wednesday that over 30,000 fugitives with criminal records were also identified and arrested using a traffic-monitoring system.
Judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei praised the anti-corruption efforts but questioned whether current measures were enough to deter wrongdoing.
“The Judiciary’s Protection Department has made every effort to ensure there is the least possible corruption within the judicial system. Have our actions been insufficient, or does it have another aspect?” he said on Wednesday.
Iran’s judiciary has faced mounting scrutiny after Transparency International ranked the country 151 out of 180 nations in its 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index — its lowest standing since the ranking began.
The watchdog cited entrenched political control, suppression of dissent, and misuse of public funds.
In May, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei rejected the notion of systemic corruption, calling the system “healthy” while acknowledging corruption as a persistent challenge.
His comments followed US President Donald Trump’s remarks that Iran’s leadership had “stolen their people’s wealth to fund terror and bloodshed abroad.”
Iran's ability to access fresh water is deteriorating, the government-run office of managing water supply said on Tuesday, adding that the capital Tehran faces a serious risk of land subsidence.
“The water crisis in Iran has gone far beyond the point of urgency and requires absolute full attention,” said Issa Bozorgzadeh, Iran's water industry spokesman.
“Subsidence is a direct consequence of excessive groundwater extraction, driven by poor management and lack of coordination,” Bozorgzadeh told the news website Payam-e Ma.
In May, a member of parliament warned that over-extraction of groundwater had caused land subsidence in 30 provinces, and that 66 percent of the country’s wetlands had turned into dust storm sources.
Environmental activists have long cautioned that Iran’s sprawling capital — home to nearly 10 million people — is highly vulnerable to water shortages due to inefficient infrastructure, leaky pipes and limited investment in modern conservation technologies.
Bozorgzadeh said Tehran’s municipality controls about 50 drinkable wells that should be connected to the city’s potable water network, while the rest should be sealed to help balance the aquifer.
Soudabeh Najafi, head of Tehran City Council’s Health Committee, said in May that subsidence in Tehran is estimated at 24 to 25 centimeters annually.
Tehran water authorities will cut supplies for 12 hours to households deemed heavy consumers who ignore three official warnings, a senior utility official said on Tuesday, as the capital faces its worst drought in more than a century.
Iran’s meteorological organization says the country has faced an almost continuous drought for more than two decades, with rainfall sharply reduced this year and snowpack levels at historic lows.
A rare invitation from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for talks on removing Iran from its global money-laundering blacklist has reignited a years-long political battle in Tehran.
The moderate camp, led by President Masoud Pezeshkian, has hailed the invitation as an economic lifeline. But hardliners say it could compromise the country’s sanctions-busting networks.
Even if Iran’s divided leadership presses ahead, the road to full clearance is expected to be slow, contested and closely monitored by the watchdog.
Praise and pushback
Economy Minister Ali Madanizadeh, appointed last month, called the FATF’s overture “good news” for Iran’s economy in a state TV interview.
Official administration outlets IRNA and the Iran newspaper were quick to celebrate the development, describing it as recognition of Iran’s reform efforts and a potential removal of the “self-inflicted blockage” that could pave the way for wider global engagement.
Hardliners see it differently.
Fars News, affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards, warned that FATF is about national security, not just banking, citing the “bitter experience” when Iran’s oil sales network was exposed through the FATF process.
With international reports pointing to record-high oil exports, Fars urged the economy ministry to approach the meeting with “heightened caution.”
Legislation years in limbo
In May, Iran’s hardline-dominated Expediency Council finally approved the Palermo Act, one of two key measures FATF requires to curb money laundering and terrorism financing.
The other, the Combating the Financing of Terrorism (CFT) convention, remains under review after years of delay.
The legislative process for both began in 2019 but stalled under hardliner resistance, with opponents warning that accession would hand sensitive financial data to Western governments.
What is FATF and why removal is slow
FATF is a Paris-based intergovernmental body that sets global standards for anti-money-laundering and counter-terrorist-financing (AML/CFT) frameworks.
Iran was first blacklisted in 2008, briefly downgraded to the “grey list” after partial compliance, then re-blacklisted in 2020.
As of June 2025, the grey list had 25 countries and the black list only three: Myanmar, North Korea and Iran.
Countries leaving the blacklist typically move to the grey list—a category for states with “strategic deficiencies” that have pledged to fix them under FATF monitoring.
They often remain there for years to prove reforms are being implemented in practice. Those failing to follow through can be blacklisted again.
What’s at stake
Shifting to the grey list could ease Iran’s access to international banking and reduce transaction costs, though FATF itself does not lift sanctions.
Its recommendations guide members to apply “countermeasures,” including rigorous bank scrutiny, termination of correspondent banking ties, and mandatory reporting of all Iranian transactions, even small or routine, to financial intelligence units, creating delays and extra costs.
For now, the FATF meeting offers only a narrow opening that is shaped as much by Iran’s domestic power struggle as by the technical demands of the watchdog.
Tehran moderates are openly signaling readiness for a return to nuclear talks, hinting at accepting some restrictions on its activities but Washington appears unmoved.
“We stated to the (US) negotiating party that we are willing to build trust, but it seems as though they have pretended to be asleep,” Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref said on Tuesday—the clearest suggestion yet that reluctance may be coming from the United States.
“Even direct negotiations can happen,” he added, under balanced conditions. “The Islamic Republic’s approach to negotiations is in line with what the people want.”
The remarks followed Deputy Foreign Minister Majid Takhtravanchi’s statement a day earlier that Iran was prepared to limit its nuclear program if US sanctions were lifted.
There was no public response by Washington.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio along with foreign ministers of France, Germany and Britain set an informal end-August deadline for a new nuclear deal, warning failure would mean triggering the so-called "snapback" of UN sanctions.
‘No rush’
But no response came from Washington. President Donald Trump told reporters in mid-July that the urgency to engage with Iran had vanished after US strikes in late June.
“They would like to talk. I’m in no rush to talk because we obliterated their site,” Trump told reporters mid July, implying he was content to let pressure build.
European officials have warned Tehran that unless it fully cooperates with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the “trigger mechanism” for snapback could be activated, restoring UN sanctions this fall.
Red lines
Despite the conciliatory gestures, Iran’s red lines remain intact.
Takhtravanchi told Japan’s Kyodo News this week that Tehran would not relinquish what it called its right to uranium enrichment.
Officials also stressed that Monday’s visit by IAEA Deputy Director General Massimo Aparo was unrelated to inspections, and Tehran continues to bar IAEA chief Rafael Grossi, accusing him of complicity in the recent attacks.
Reformist daily Arman Melli called Takhtravanchi’s offer “a new prudent decision regarding the nuclear dossier,” noting Iran’s aim to avoid the trigger mechanism while securing sanctions relief to ease its deep financial crisis.
Hardline outlets, meanwhile, have expressed anger at the IAEA and the UN Security Council’s failure to condemn the strikes, and domestic critics warn that opening talks with Washington could be politically costly.
Divisions and outlook
While the Foreign Ministry and its diplomats remain cautious about re-engaging the West, the Presidential Office appears more eager to pursue direct negotiations.
Vahideh Karimi, political editor of Shargh, warned that the combination of Iran’s tentative flexibility and Washington’s hesitation could prolong the stalemate, calling Takhtravanchi’s proposal “realistic” but fragile.
She also pointed to Tehran’s missile program — repeatedly declared off-limits after the war with Israel — as a potential deal-breaker.
Others, like Ham Mihan columnist Majid Younesian, argue the balance of forces is shifting in Iran’s favor and that confrontation with the US and Europe must evolve.
“Change does not mean surrender, as hardliners claim. Not all problems need to be solved with guns, slogans, and provocations,” he wrote.
Iran’s president is facing a storm of backlash after twice straying into politically fraught territory on live television, first by suggesting talks with Washington were preferable to war, then by downplaying the stakes of the Zangezur Corridor dispute.
“Do you want to fight?” he asked in an apparent address to Tehran’s hardliners. “Well, you did, but they hit us. If we rebuild the nuclear establishments, they are going to target them again. What can we do if we do not negotiate?”
Moments later, he sought to soften the remark: “Of course we will not do anything against the Supreme Leader’s will.”
But the attempted walk-back did little to blunt the reaction.
Kayhan, the hardline daily whose chief is appointed by supreme leader Ali Khamenei, called his comment a product of “ignorance.”
“Some of our officials are preoccupied by the war–negotiation dichotomy,” Kayhan wrote, even as the United States and Israel “begged Iran for a ceasefire.”
Mishap reloaded
Hours later, Pezeshkian added fuel to the fire when asked by a state TV reporter about the US-brokered Zangezur Corridor through Armenia’s Syunik region.
He said foreign minister Abbas Araghchi had assured him it had “nothing to do with Iran’s interests,” contradicting — among others — the Revolutionary Guards and Khamenei’s decade-old assertion that the project was detrimental to Armenia and that Tehran would remain firm in opposing it.
The comment was immediately seized upon by political rivals. Aladdin Boroujerdi, an influential hardline MP, and Khamenei’s chief adviser Ali Akbar Velayati had already made clear their opposition to the corridor.
By appearing unaware of that stance, Pezeshkian handed critics an opening to question his political capacity and grasp of state priorities.
Ultraconservative outlets accused him of echoing US president Donald Trump’s threats against Iran and undermining the country’s right to enrich uranium.
‘Making war more likely’
Vatan Emrooz branded his stance “withdrawal and surrender,” while Javan— affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards—criticized him for defending his positions as “coordinated with Khamenei” rather than engaging critics directly.
On social media, hardline propagandist Ali Akbar Raefipour dismissed the remarks as “fallacy, nonsense, and paradoxical.”
US-educated ultraconservative academic Foad Izadi argued that Pezeshkian’s comments made renewed strikes on Iran more likely. “US officials will think another attack on Iran will not be costly,” he posted on X.
Not all reactions were hostile, however.
Some supporters argued his remarks reflected a realistic approach in a tense period, pointing to the recent reshuffle that saw veteran conservative Ali Larijani return to Iran’s national security council as one of the two supreme leader representatives.
“Possibly, Larijani has got Khamenei’s full backing for negotiations with Washington, and Pezeshkian is trying to make the idea of negotiations less costly in the political circles inside Iran,” reformist outlet Rouydad24 quoted economist Sadegh Alhosseini as saying on Monday.