The Iraqi militia group Kata’ib Hezbollah, backed by Iran's IRGC Quds Force, has been linked to recent terrorist plots targeting Jewish centers in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, as Tehran seeks to expand its influence beyond the Middle East.
Kata’ib Hezbollah, also known as Hezbollah Brigades, is an Iraqi Shia militia formed in 2007. Aligned closely with Iran, the group is a part of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in Iraq. The US-designated group's activities are heavily backed by Iran through training, weapons, and financial support.
Beyond Iraq, Kata’ib Hezbollah has extended its operations to Syria, where it fights alongside other Iranian-backed militias in support of the Bashar Al-Assad regime, and now to Central Asia.
Sources have confirmed to Iran International that Kataib Hezbollah has been carrying out terrorist activities in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan through a Tajik operative identified Muhammad Ali Burhanov, also known as Sayed Hamid al-Tajiki.
The Iraqi militant group's operation in Central Asia was first reported by Terror Alarm on X earlier this month.
Burhanov, who has been linked to multiple attacks in Central Asia, reportedly studied at Al-Mustafa University in Iran—a known recruitment hub for Tehran-backed militant groups. This university, operating under the Islamic Propaganda Bureau of the Qom Seminary, has branches in nearly 60 countries and serves as Iran's primary instrument for spreading Shi'ism internationally.
Al-Mustafa University had earlier drawn scrutiny, particularly in 2020 when it was allocated a budget of nearly 5 trillion rials, or approximately $100 million at the time, making it the most heavily funded university in Iran. The United States sanctioned the university in December 2020 for recruiting Afghan and Pakistani students to fight in Syria, with Canada following suit in October 2022 for its role in recruiting foreign fighters.
The involvement of Burhanov and his operatives in Central Asia is reportedly supported by the IRGC Quds Force’s Department 400, with direct involvement from senior officials such as Hossein Rahmani and Hossein Rahban. These figures are instrumental in recruiting young militiamen and collaborating with various extremist groups, including Jihadists, ISIS, and the Taliban.
Recent operations linked to Burhanov for Kata’ib Hezbollah have included a failed gunfire attack on the Jewish Agency offices in Almaty, an attempted arson at the Ohr Avner Jewish Center in Almaty, and arson attacks on a farm owned by Saxovat Broyler Co. in Tashkent and a warehouse owned by Neostream Co. in Almaty.
Iran has a long history of hostility towards Jews, often manifesting through both direct and indirect actions. Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Iranian government has embraced an openly anti-Israel stance, which has frequently spilled over into broader anti-Semitic rhetoric and actions.
The government has supported and funded various proxy groups, such as Hezbollah and Hamas, which have carried out attacks against Jewish targets, both in the Middle East and globally. Iran's involvement in bombings, such as the 1994 attack on the AMIA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, which killed 85 people, highlights its longstanding agenda of targeting Jewish communities far beyond its borders. The Islamic Republic's anti-Semitic propaganda, denial of the Holocaust, and calls for the destruction of Israel further fuel this deep-seated enmity, creating an environment where anti-Jewish violence is not only tolerated but encouraged.
It launched hundreds of rockets and drones against Israel on Sunday in retaliation for the assassination of a senior commander in Beirut last month, the Iranian-backed movement said. The Israeli military said it had thwarted a much larger attack with pre-emptive strikes.
Here are some facts about Hezbollah's weapons:
Arsenal overview
The Iran-backed group possesses upwards of 150,000 missiles and rockets, according to the World Factbook of the US Central Intelligence Agency.
Hezbollah says it has rockets that can hit all areas of Israel. Many are unguided, but it also has precision missiles, drones and anti-tank, anti-aircraft and anti-ship missiles.
Hezbollah's main supporter and weapons supplier is Iran. Many of its weapons are Iranian, Russian or Chinese models.
Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said in 2021 the group had 100,000 fighters. The CIA World Factbook says it was estimated in 2022 to have up to 45,000 fighters, roughly 20,000 of them full-time.
Land-attack rockets and missiles
Unguided rockets comprised the bulk of Hezbollah's missile arsenal in the last war with Israel in 2006, when the group fired about 4,000 into Israel - mostly Katyusha-style missiles with a range of 30 km (19 miles).
Nasrallah has said the biggest change in Hezbollah's arsenal since 2006 has been the expansion of its precision guidance systems and that the group has the ability to retrofit rockets with guidance systems within Lebanon.
Hezbollah has Iranian models, such as Raad (Arabic for Thunder), Fajr (Dawn) and Zilzal (Earthquake) rockets, which have a more powerful payload and longer range than Katyushas.
Rockets fired by Hezbollah at Israel during the Gaza conflict since October have included Katyushas and Burkan (Volcano) missiles with an explosive payload of 300-500 kg.
Iranian-made Falaq 2 rockets, used for the first time in June, can carry a bigger warhead than the previously used Falaq 1.
Anti-tank missiles
Hezbollah used guided anti-tank missiles extensively in the 2006 war and has deployed them again, including the Russian-made Kornet.
It has also used an Iranian-made guided missile known as "al-Mas", according to a report by the pro-Iran Arabic broadcaster al-Mayadeen. The al-Mas can hit targets beyond the line of sight following an arched trajectory, enabling it to strike from above, a report by Israel's Alma Research and Education Center said.
The missile is part of a family of weapons made by Iran through reverse engineering based on the Israeli Spike missile family, the report said.
Anti-aircraft missiles
Hezbollah has downed Israeli drones several times during this conflict using surface-to-air missiles, hitting Israeli Hermes 450 and Hermes 900 drones. Though Hezbollah was long believed to possess anti-aircraft missiles, these attacks have marked the first time the group had used this capability.
In another first, Hezbollah has said it fired at Israeli warplanes, forcing them to leave Lebanese airspace, without saying what type of weapon it used. It has not hit any.
Drones
Hezbollah has mounted numerous attacks with one-way explosive drones and has said it is using drones that drop bombs and return to Lebanon.
In some attacks, drones have been sent to distract Israeli air defences while others were flown at targets.
Hezbollah's arsenal includes the locally assembled Ayoub and Mersad models, which analysts say are cheap and relatively easy to produce.
Anti-ship missiles
Hezbollah first proved it had anti-ship missiles in 2006, when it hit an Israeli warship 16 km (10 miles) off the coast, killing four Israeli personnel and damaging the vessel.
Since the 2006 war, Hezbollah has acquired the Russian-made Yakhont anti-ship missile with a range of 300 km (186 miles), sources familiar with its arsenal say. Hezbollah has not confirmed it has the weapon.
(Factbox by Reuters)
On this somber anniversary, Khavaran Cemetery—the infamous site where thousands of political prisoners were buried in unmarked mass graves—was once again sealed off by the authorities. The families, who for decades have gathered at this barren plot to mourn, remember, and demand justice, were denied entry. Their grief met with the cold indifference of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
This closure is not just an attempt to physically bar families from mourning; it is part of a broader, systematic effort to erase the memory of the 1988 massacre and stifle the pursuit of accountability. Yet, this act of repression only fuels the determination of the Mothers of Khavaran, who have dedicated their lives to keeping the memory of their loved ones alive and demanding justice.
Note: The author's brother was one of the political prisoners summarily executed in 1988.
In the summer of 1988, as the Iran-Iraq war came to a close, the Islamic Republic of Iran initiated one of the most heinous acts of political repression in its history. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, then-Supreme Leader, issued a fatwa that led to the formation of "Death Commissions" tasked with summarily trying political prisoners. Many of these prisoners had already served years of their sentences; they were brought before these commissions, where they were questioned about their religious and political beliefs. Those who refused to denounce their affiliations or faith were sentenced to death.
The executions were carried out with chilling efficiency, with prisoners hanged in groups and buried in mass graves. Khavaran Cemetery, a desolate stretch of land on the outskirts of Tehran, became one of the most infamous sites of these mass graves. The government not only executed these prisoners in secret but also worked tirelessly to cover up the crime. Families were denied the bodies of their loved ones, refused the right to hold funerals, and were kept in the dark about the location of their graves.
Yet, despite the regime's best efforts to erase the memory of those who were executed, the families refused to be silenced. The Mothers of Khavaran, along with other family members, have for decades braved the threats and intimidation to gather at Khavaran, laying flowers and placing photos on the unmarked graves. Their defiance has been met with brutal force—flowers trampled, photos destroyed, and mourners harassed and arrested. But these mothers persisted, turning their grief into a powerful symbol of resistance against a regime that sought to obliterate the memory of their children.
The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: A Parallel Struggle
The story of the Mothers of Khavaran bears a striking resemblance to the struggle of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo in Argentina. During Argentina's "Dirty War" (1976-1983), the military dictatorship kidnapped and "disappeared" thousands of people, most of whom were young political activists. The government denied any knowledge of their whereabouts, leaving families in a state of perpetual uncertainty and grief.
In response, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo began gathering every Thursday in the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires, demanding to know the fate of their disappeared children. Wearing white headscarves embroidered with the names of their children, these women became an iconic symbol of resistance against state terrorism. They, too, faced repression, threats, and violence, but they refused to be silenced. Their persistent efforts eventually brought international attention to the crimes of the dictatorship, leading to some degree of accountability and justice.
Both the Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo have shown extraordinary courage and resilience in the face of overwhelming odds. Their struggles are not just about seeking justice for their loved ones; they are also about preserving the collective memory of their societies. By keeping the stories of their children alive, they have challenged the state's monopoly on history and truth.
Grief as a Catalyst for Political Activism
The grief of the Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo transcends personal loss; it has become a powerful force for political and social change. Gail Holst-Warhaft, in her work on grief and its political uses, argues that the control of mourning and the dead is a potent tool for regimes seeking to suppress dissent. By denying families the right to mourn, regimes attempt to control the narrative and prevent the formation of a collective memory that could challenge their authority.
However, as seen in both Iran and Argentina, this strategy can backfire. The refusal to allow families to grieve publicly has often led to the politicization of grief, turning mourning into a form of resistance. The Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo have transformed their sorrow into a relentless pursuit of justice, using their loss as a catalyst for broader social and political activism.
In both cases, the mothers' activism has forced the state to confront its past, even if it has not yet resulted in full accountability. The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo succeeded in bringing international attention to the atrocities committed by the Argentine dictatorship, leading to trials and convictions of some of those responsible. The Mothers of Khavaran, on the other hand, continue to fight against a regime that still distorts and hides the truth about the 1988 massacre. Their battle for justice is far from over, but their persistence ensures that the memory of the victims will not be erased.