In recent weeks, Iran has been consumed by concerns over a potential gasoline price hike. This anxiety stems not only from economic fears but also from the deep-seated distrust many Iranians have toward their government.
At the center of this storm is the newly installed Pezeshkian administration, which has sent mixed signals about its intentions, further exacerbating the public's concern.
Abdolnaser Hemmati, the Minister of Economy, has tried to calm the waters, stating in a televised interview that no shocking economic measures should be taken, as society cannot bear the brunt of a gasoline price hike or other economic shocks. He emphasized that “any decision to raise gasoline prices must take into account its inevitable inflationary effects.”
But how long can the government spend billions of dollars, selling the cheapest gasoline at around 2 cents a liter or less than 10 cents a gallon, especially when it must import some of it to make up for the shortfall in domestic production.
Yet, Hemmati's words stand in contrast to those of the head of government, Massoud Pezeshkian. In a meeting just days earlier, the new president made it clear that he sees no logic in continuing to subsidize gasoline. “There is no logic in buying gasoline at the open market dollar rate and selling it at a subsidized price,” he said, questioning whether the current policy could continue. His comments only deepened the sense of uncertainty and fear that a price increase might be imminent.
These contradictory remarks have left Iranians wondering what to expect. On one hand, Mohammadreza Aref, First Vice President, reassured the public that the government would not make “any hasty decisions” regarding a gasoline price increase. On the other, Pezeshkian's previous statements, including those made during his election campaign, indicate a belief that the current subsidy system is untenable. In a conversation with Ali Khamenei's website, Pezeshkian argued that Iran’s energy imbalance, where gasoline is purchased for billions of dollars and sold at a fraction of its cost, cannot continue indefinitely.
Pezeshkian’s inconsistent messaging, particularly during the election debates, has only added to the confusion. While he initially supported removing subsidies and raising prices to 250,000 rials (about 42 cents) per liter, he later backtracked, saying that his remarks were taken out of context and that, in governance, such decisions must be left to experts. However, these contradictions have done little to quell public fear, especially given Iran’s recent history.
The specter of past fuel protests looms large. Under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the quadrupling of fuel prices led to widespread unrest, with angry citizens setting fire to gas stations in Tehran. Similarly, Hassan Rouhani’s decision to triple gasoline prices sparked protests across the country, resulting in the deaths of nearly 1,500 people as the government suppressed dissent.
Currently, rationed gasoline is sold at 15,000 rials (2.5 cents) per liter, while non-rationed gasoline is sold at 30,000 rials (5 cents) per liter. For many, who earn less than 200 dollars per month a large increase could push an already struggling population to the brink.
Some believe that the Pezeshkian administration’s indecision is not just a political misstep; but it is a recipe for disaster. The country’s economic situation is dire, and people’s livelihoods are hanging by a thread. Rouydad24 news website in Tehran wrote on Saturday that “Any sudden price hike could lead to irreparable damage.”
As economic expert Mehdi Robati noted in a recent tweet, “Analyses based on the increase in gasoline prices and seeing this issue from a one-dimensional perspective are a banana peel under the feet of the Islamic Republic and will not bring any benefit to the country.”
Moreover, public trust in the government is at an all-time low. Many Iranians believe that if there were no fire, there would be no smoke—meaning if the government truly had no plans to raise gasoline prices, there would be no reason to discuss it. Instead, as reported by Rouydad 24, it appears that some advisors are attempting to prepare the public: shock them with the prospect of a significant price hike, only to then offer a gradual increase as a “compromise.”
This strategy is unlikely to succeed. The anger is palpable, with people expressing their discontent on social media. One viral video shows a farmer lambasting Pezeshkian’s comments, saying, “It’s not logical for you to increase gasoline prices and make us villagers and farmers poorer and more desperate by the day.”
Observers say the contradictions within the Pezeshkian administration are more than just political blunders—they are fuel for a fire that, if ignited, could engulf the nation in unrest once again.
The workers, some as young as 13, are being exploited by municipal contractors who prioritize cost-cutting over human dignity, said a report by Khabaronline website.
In neighborhoods across Tehran, the presence of Afghan children laboring in municipal services is a reminder of the city’s reliance on cheap, undocumented labor.
These children, who have fled conflict and instability in their home country, find themselves in a harsh new reality. Employed to clean streets, collect waste, and perform other menial tasks, they are paid a fraction of what Iranian workers earn and often receive their wages sporadically.
Lacking basic identification documents like bank cards, the children are voiceless. They cannot lodge complaints about unpaid wages or unsafe working conditions. Their plight is compounded by their invisibility in official statistics and reports, making them an easy target for exploitation.
Tehran City Council member Nasser Amani warned: “The oversight of municipal contractors is insufficient. I have seen firsthand that contractors employ very young foreign nationals, including children as young as 13 or 14 years old,” Amani stated.
Mohammad Amin Tavakkolizadeh, Tehran Municipality’s Deputy for Social Affairs, announced last year that a new plan would be implemented to remove children from municipal labor. However, this commitment has yet to be realized. Despite assurances, Afghan children continue to work under conditions that defy both legal and ethical standards.
“The promises made about eliminating child labor have not been fulfilled,” Amani said. “Municipal regulations are being flouted, and the children are still being exploited by contractors who are not held accountable.”
Iran's Labor Law prohibits the employment of children under the age of 15. Those aged 15 to 18, classified as "young workers," must undergo regular medical examinations conducted by the Ministry of Labor to be eligible to participate in the workforce.
The plight of Afghan children in Tehran is part of a broader pattern of exploitation involving foreign labor. The children work under dangerous conditions and receive inadequate compensation, often delayed for months. Their situation stands in contrast to Iranian workers, who are frequently deterred from such roles due to insufficient wages and job insecurity.
Amani pointed out: “The lack of regular and adequate payments, along with the absence of proper insurance, has led to a situation where Iranian workers are unwilling to take up such jobs. This reliance on cheap, undocumented labor perpetuates the cycle of exploitation.”
“Municipal officials currently say that urban service workers are paid between 120 to 130 million rials (about $200) per month, but we have checked and found that this is not the case. Some urban service workers and especially children receive between 40 to 60 million rials (70 to $100), or at most 70 million rials (115$),” added Amani.
The situation comes at a time when estimates suggest up to 10,000 Afghans enter Iran daily. This influx has pushed the Afghan population in the country to around 10 million, constituting more than 10% of Iran's total population.
The growing presence of Afghans has sparked a backlash from Iranians, many voicing concerns about the economic and social impact of accommodating such a large number of migrants, particularly as Iran grapples with its own economic crisis, declining public services, and rising unemployment.
According to reports from state media, the charges stem from a film critique session where Bani-Etemad, a renowned filmmaker, and her daughter attended without adhering to the mandatory hijab. The judiciary has not officially named the women, but details released by the prosecutor's office leave little doubt about their identities.
This case is the latest in a series of actions by the Iranian government aimed at silencing women who dare to challenge the country’s Islamic dress code. Since the nationwide protests in 2022, spurred by widespread demands for women's rights and personal freedoms, a growing number of Iranian actresses have removed their hijab in public, risking punishment. The government’s response has been predictably harsh, with numerous women facing legal action, arrests, and harassment.
Journalist Masoud Kazemi, commenting on the filing of the case against the two cultural icons, pointedly remarked on X, "Yes, it makes a difference who the president is." His words highlight the reality that the policies and crackdowns have persisted unabated after President Masoud Pezeshkian took office.
During his campaign, Pezeshkian pledged to voters that he would put an end to hijab patrols and the violence inflicted on women for not complying with compulsory hijab regulations.
Shaqayeq Norouzi, an actress and women’s rights activist based in Barcelona, told Iran International that the Iranian government's actions reveal their fear of women’s defiance.
"While nearly a hundred actresses are banned from working, another well-known artist, fully aware of the risks to her safety, takes a bold stand. Such actions are incredibly effective in sustaining hope within the collective psyche of Iranian society, particularly among women. This is precisely why the government responds so quickly and harshly," she said.
The Islamic Republic's campaign against women who resist its repressive laws has seen a surge in recent months. In a similar case, Afsaneh Bayegan, a veteran actress, was recently sentenced to a fine and banned from social media and international travel. The judiciary accused her of "publishing indecent images," a charge often used to enforce moral codes.
The situation took an even darker turn when reports emerged of government forces shooting a young woman named Arezou Badri, over her refusal to comply with hijab laws. The judiciary claimed the incident was unrelated to the hijab, but the context of escalating violence against women tells a different story.
Internationally, the Islamic Republic's actions continue to draw condemnation. On August 25, the United States government expressed deep concern over the incident involving Arezou Badri, emphasizing that Iran's leadership has failed to learn from the death of Mahsa Amini, who died in custody after being detained by the morality police for defying hijab.