Iran's oldest oil refinery in Abadan was the first in the Middle East completed in 1912 by the Anglo-Persian Oil Company.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian reiterated his campaign pledge this week to invite foreign experts to help address the country’s economic crisis, as his administration struggles with soaring inflation, severe shortages, and a collapsing currency.
Justifying his statement, Pezeshkian said, "With the leadership of Khamenei and the economic potential of our country, Iran does not deserve to lag behind its neighboring countries."
However, Iran has a bitter history of inviting foreign experts and economists to solve Iran's problems since the early 1910s.
Five years after Iran's 1905 Constitutional Revolution, the country's first parliament, determined to establish a Western-oriented democratic civil society in what was then known internationally as Persia, persuaded Mohammad Ali Shah—a ruler heavily influenced by Russia—to invite an economic adviser from the United States. Unlike Russia and Great Britain, the US had no political ambitions in Iran and showed no interest in exploiting its resources.
The 1905 revolutionaries had forced the Qajar Dynasty monarch Mozaffar ad-Din Shah to agree to the election of a parliament (Majles) and the opening up of a relatively free press as well as bringing about other reforms. But the king died within a few months and was replaced by Mohammad Ali Shah.
At the time, the United States was so uninvolved in regional ambitions that it initially declined Iran's request. However, under persistent pressure from the Iranians, the US government recommended William Morgan Shuster—a lawyer, civil servant, and publisher—who was ultimately appointed by the Iranian parliament as the Treasurer-General of Persia. Shuster served in this role from May to December 1911.
William Morgan Shuster 1877-1960
Shuster made every effort to stabilize Iran's chaotic and fragile economy, which had been severely impacted by the Qajar Shahs' debts to Imperial Russia and Great Britain. These two powers had effectively divided Iran into spheres of influence under the 1907 Anglo-Russian Convention. However, Shuster’s reforms, which sought to restore financial independence, challenged the authority of both Russia and Britain. In response, their agents in Iran created obstacles for him, and Russian forces subsequently occupied parts of northern Iran. They later accused Shuster of deploying Iranian gendarmes to collect taxes from people within the Russian-occupied territories.
Under mounting pressure from Russia and Britain, Shuster was ultimately forced to resign. He returned to the United States, where he wrote The Strangling of Persia, a book detailing the extensive influence and interference of Britain and Russia in Iran.
The Iranian government also appointed US-educated British lawyer and economist Arthur Millspaugh as its financial adviser, first from 1922 to 1927 and again from 1942 to 1945, to reform the country’s financial system. While his first tenure was relatively successful, his second was deemed a complete failure. The Iranian government attributed this failure to Millspaugh's "arrogance," though many observers pointed to factional infighting, political instability, and obstruction by opposition groups as key factors.
The factors mentioned—factional disputes, economic and political instability, obstructions by political rivals, and a deep-rooted xenophobia exacerbated under the Islamic Republic’s anti-West ideology—persist in modern Iran. Although 80 percent of the economy is controlled by the state or entities affiliated with the Islamic Republic’s establishment, factions thrive among these privileged groups ranging from clerics to the IRGC and influential families. Reforming the economy is hard to imagine in this non-competitive, non-transparent system.
Starting in the 1950s and continuing until the 1979 revolution, American and other international experts, advisors, and engineering specialists flocked to Iran to support the ambitious economic and industrial development spearheaded by Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. By the 1970s, Iran was emerging as a regional industrial power and a major oil exporter.
In the unlikely event that Pezeshkian secures approval to hire international advisers, the challenges inherent in the Islamic Republic's economic and political system are likely to hinder their work.
An Israeli rabbi has been kidnapped in the United Arab Emirates, according to Israeli officials, giving rise to suspicions that his abduction may be related to Tehran's plan to avenge Israel's October 26 air strikes on Iranian military targets.
The rabbi, identified by the Israeli government as Zvi Kogan, was a Chabad emissary who may have been followed by the Iranian intelligence, according to Israeli media reports.
The Israeli Prime Minister’s Office confirmed that the Mossad intelligence service is investigating Kogan's disappearance on Thursday.
The office said the incident is being treated as terrorism. A dual Israeli-Moldovan national, Kogan has been part of the Abu Dhabi Chabad chapter since Israel normalized its relations with the United Arab Emirates in late 2020.
Walla News, citing Israeli officials, said he has been abducted in Dubai. Ynet also cited security sources as saying that the rabbi was likely abducted from the kosher supermarket he managed in Dubai.
Israel's Channel 11 reported that the rabbi has been kidnapped by a cell directed by Iran, which apparently managed to escape to Turkey. The Ynet report also confirmed that the perpetrators are believed to have fled to Turkey.
Senior Israeli officials told Walla News that the focus of investigations was "a terrorist squad of Uzbek origin that operated in Dubai on behalf of Iran and allegedly carried out the abduction and then fled to Turkey."
The Mossad and the Israeli National Security Council say Israel's intelligence indicated "he may have been under surveillance by terrorist elements," the Walla report added.
While Israel has not yet accused Iran of involvement in the abduction, Western officials believe Tehran runs intelligence operations in the UAE and keeps tabs on the hundreds of thousands of Iranians living across the country, according to the Associated Press.
In one of the most recent cases in 2020, German-Iranian citizen Jamshid Sharmahd was abducted by Iranian agents from his hotel in Dubai while on a layover. He was later transferred to Iran and sentenced to death.
On 5 November 2024, a spokesman for the Iranian judiciary said Sharmahd died in custody on October 28 before he could be executed.
Kogan's abduction comes as Iran has been threatening to retaliate against Israel over the October 26 air strikes, which according to Israeli and US officials, knocked out Iran's last three Russian-provided S-300 air defense missile systems and left the country "naked".
The UN nuclear watchdog has censured Iran over its perceived non-cooperation with international inspections, setting the stage for a new phase in the dispute over Iran's activities which could lead toward more sanctions.
Q: What is the IAEA resolution against Iran about?
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) says it is not convinced that Iran’s nuclear program is peaceful. It has been asking questions and seeking clarification on several issues for years. But many remain unresolved.
On November 21, 2024, the IAEA Board of Governors passed a resolution calling on Iran to urgently improve its cooperation with the agency and provide a comprehensive report on its nuclear activities.
The resolution was proposed by the US, UK, France, and Germany. It passed by 19 votes in favor (of 34). China, Russia, and Burkina Faso voted against and 12 countries abstained.
Q: Is the resolution binding?
No. IAEA resolutions are not legally binding in the way that treaties or UN Security Council resolutions are. However, they are significant politically, signalling a shift in international attitudes and an intent to take further action.
The resolution against Iran may prove a crucial step in building a case for more binding measures. It provides a basis for the parties to the 2015 nuclear deal - Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA - to claim Iran is violating its commitments and potentially initiate what is known as the Trigger Mechanism.
Q: What is the Trigger Mechanism?
Trigger Mechanism is an informal term for a provision under the 2015 deal that allows signatories to reimpose Iran sanctions that were lifted under the agreement.
Any party can report alleged non-compliance to the Joint Commission, consisting of all current parties to the deal - which oversees the agreement. If the issue isn’t resolved within 35 days, the complaining party can notify the UN Security Council, effectively triggering a process that could result in snapback sanctions
Q: What is snapback?
Snapback refers to the concept that UN sanctions on Iran can be restored automatically.
The Security Council does not have to vote on reimposing sanctions. Once Iran’s case is referred to there, the sanctions that were lifted under the JCPOA will snap back into place in 30 days unless the council votes to continue lifting sanctions.
Q: Who can start this process?
Any party to the 2015 deal can allege that Iran is non-compliant and take their case to the Joint Commission.
The countries that can do so are France, Germany, UK, Russia and China. The United States was also a signatory to the JCPOA, but unilaterally withdrew in 2018 during President Donald Trump's first term.
Q: Who decides if Iran is compliant or not?
The IAEA is tasked with monitoring Iran’s nuclear activities and ensuring compliance with safeguards agreements under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the JCPOA. Reports from the IAEA are critical in assessing whether Iran is fulfilling its obligations.
The JCPOA signatories assess Iran’s activities based on IAEA findings and their own intelligence inputs.
In short, the IAEA provides the technical foundation for judgments, but political decisions depend on consensus, or lack thereof, among JCPOA signatories.
Q: Has the Trigger Mechanism been used before?
Yes and no. In January 2020, France, and Germany and the UK (E3) initiated the Dispute Resolution Mechanism, the process that can lead to the Trigger Mechanism, after Iran moved away from some of its JCPoA commitments in response to the Trump administration withdrawing from the deal.
The E3 did not notify the UN Security Council, however, saying that their aim was to convince Iran to respect its obligations, not to impose snapback sanctions.
The West still has an opportunity to pursue engagement and abandon pressure, but Tehran is ready to confront any challenges, spokesperson and deputy head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, announced on Saturday.
Addressing Western nations, Behrouz Kamalvandi wrote in a Tehran newspaper, “There is still time for engagement and for setting aside pressure and threats. While Iran has prepared itself to counter threats, it prefers dialogue over confrontation.”
Iranian officials have condemned a censure resolution adopted during the November 21 quarterly meeting of the UN’s International Atomic Energy Agency Board of Governors. While they claim Iran is ready to negotiate over its nuclear commitments, their calls for dialogue come against the backdrop of years of failed diplomatic efforts by the IAEA and Western powers to address concerns over Tehran’s reduced cooperation with the UN watchdog.
The IAEA Board of Governors approved a resolution proposed by four Western powers condemning the expansion of Iran’s nuclear activities and Tehran’s lack of necessary cooperation with the agency. The resolution passed with a majority vote.
This marked the second resolution adopted against the Islamic Republic by the Board of Governors in the past six months.
On Friday, Kamalvandi responded to the IAEA resolution by announcing a “significant increase” in uranium enrichment levels.
Speaking to state media, he said this step was part of Iran’s “compensatory measures in response to the new Board of Governors resolution” and noted that the process had “already begun immediately.”
The IAEA Board of Governors meeting in Vienna
The spokesperson for Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization stated that the Islamic Republic had informed the IAEA it would respond "immediately": "Before the agency officials left the Secretariat, we informed them, and today we also sent a DIQ (Design Information Questionnaire). This process is ongoing."
Kamalvandi provided details of Iran’s retaliatory measures, saying: "The enrichment sector is the most impacted area, and we are significantly increasing our enrichment capacity."
He added: "We are utilizing advanced centrifuges, accelerating research and development on each of them, expanding infrastructure, and implementing additional measures to enhance security."
Earlier, Ali Larijani, a top advisor to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei tweeted that if the Trump administration wants Iran to refrain from making a bomb, "They must accept Iran's conditions and grant necessary concessions, including #compensating_Iran for damages and similar measures, to reach a new agreement, rather than issuing unilateral demands."
The escalation of Iran’s nuclear activities comes as the IAEA Board of Governors stated in its resolution that the Islamic Republic has still not cooperated with the agency “clearly and comprehensively” and has failed to take “the urgent and necessary actions outlined in the June 2024 resolution of the Board.”
The Board expressed “deep concern” over the situation, adding: “This lack of cooperation impacts the agency’s ability to ensure and verify the non-diversion of Iran’s nuclear materials toward nuclear weapons or other explosive devices.”
The resolution was adopted shortly after the Islamic Republic formally invited Rafael Grossi, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency, to visit Iran on November 11.
Regarding topics raised during Grossi’s visit, Kamalvandi said, "Mr. Grossi proposed during his trip to Iran that we temporarily refrain from increasing our 60% uranium stockpile, although not in a way that stops enrichment at various levels, including 60%."
He added: "We agreed to this with certain conditions, but we made it clear this would only apply if the resolution was not adopted."
Iran has amassed enough uranium enriched at 60% that it can quickly purify to 90% and produce four nuclear warheads, the IAEA and Western countries have said.
The IAEA resolution, combined with likely revival of the so-called maximum pressure campaign of sanctions on Iran from Trump's first term may set US-led Western countries on a collision course with Tehran over the nuclear dossier.
The US dollar surged past the 700,000 rials mark on Saturday again, reversing a brief period of relative stability, after Iran was censured for lack of cooperation with the UN's nuclear watchdog this week.
The milestone highlights the deepening economic strain in Iran, fueled by escalating geopolitical tensions and challenging domestic policy decisions.
A recent resolution from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board of Governors criticized Iran’s lack of cooperation on nuclear matters, prompting Tehran to threaten an escalation in uranium enrichment. Calls for producing nuclear weapons by some Iranian officials, combined with fears of more and stricter international sanctions, have further shaken confidence in the Iranian economy.
The rial’s value has plummeted over 20-fold since the 2015 nuclear agreement with world powers. Compared to its value at the time of the 1979 revolution, the currency has depreciated to just 1/10,000 of its original worth.
Last year in November, the dollar was trading at approximately 500,000 rials. By contrast, the sharp rise in recent months has been fueled by escalating tensions between the Islamic Republic and Israel.
Since the Iranian calendar year began in March, military confrontations—such as missile and drone attacks launched by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps on Israeli targets also contributed to the rial's fall.
October marked the beginning of another downward trend. The dollar climbed to 690,000 rials on October 26 following an Israeli airstrike on military targets in Iran.
This upward momentum was reinforced by geopolitical developments, such as Donald Trump’s victory in the US presidential election and news of the IAEA resolution. On November 23, the dollar reached the 700,000 rials threshold again, signaling potential inflationary pressures in the months ahead.
The IAEA resolution on Thursday, supported by the United States, Britain, France, and Germany, called on Tehran to improve cooperation and clarify its nuclear activities. In response, Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization announced plans to increase uranium enrichment.
The potential activation of the snapback mechanism after the resolution could reintroduce sanctions lifted under the 2015 nuclear deal, likely deepening Iran’s economic woes. Such measures would mirror the international pressure during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, when the country faced severe economic and diplomatic isolation.
Iran's economy is also facing other challenges, such as shortages of natural gas and electricity, reducing industrial production, exports and earnings in foreign currency.
The Iranian prison system continues to expose political prisoners to significant risks by failing to adhere to the principle of separating inmates based on the nature of their crimes, according to an investigation by Iran International.
This neglect, despite being mandated in the Islamic Republic’s own regulations, has led to threats, violence, and deteriorating conditions for political detainees.
Human rights organizations have repeatedly warned that mixing political prisoners with those accused of violent offenses endangers their safety. Yet, officials from the judiciary and Prison Organization remain indifferent to these violations.
One notable case is Mehdi Meskinnavaz, a political prisoner serving a 13-year sentence in Bandar Anzali prison, north of Iran. After returning to incarceration on September 3 following a temporary suspension of his sentence, Meskinnavaz has faced repeated threats and physical abuse from an inmate accused of murder. His suffering highlights the dangers of housing political detainees with violent offenders.
Maryam Akbari Monfared, among Iran’s longest-serving female political prisoners, was transferred from Semnan prison to Gharchak women’s prison on October 22. Currently held in section six of Gharchak alongside approximately 120 other inmates, she faces dire conditions.
Gharchak Prison is a prison for women located in in Gharchak County, previously part of Varamin County, Tehran Province, (30 km SSE of the capital).
Jila Baniyaghoob, a journalist and activist, wrote on the Focus on Iranian Women website about the inhumane circumstances in Gharchak. She reported that section six has only one bathroom and one toilet for all inmates, forcing prisoners into long waits and frequent conflicts over access.
Baniyaghoob also noted that at least 20 inmates in the section are on death row, primarily for murder. These prisoners require both healthcare and psychological support, but such services are lacking in the overcrowded and unsanitary environment.
The systematic failure to separate prisoners is not limited to individual cases. The death of Alireza Shir Mohammad Ali in June 2019 is a reminder of the consequences. Shir Mohammad Ali, detained after the 2018 protests, was killed by two violent inmates in Tehran’s Grand Prison, where he was held without proper separation.
In another example, political prisoner Saeed Gharibi at Adelabad prison in Shiraz attempted self-immolation on November 16 to protest his conditions and the lack of adherence to the separation principle.
According to the Islamic Republic’s prison regulations, security detainees, including political prisoners, should be held in special facilities. These rules explicitly require the segregation of inmates by the nature of their crimes to prevent ideological, political, or personal conflicts. However, these regulations remain largely unenforced.