Iran International
Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian has addressed the public's growing distrust in the government amid an economic crisis and energy shortages that have fueled widespread despair among the population.
"People will not trust us if we lure them into traps and fabricate legal cases against them," Pezeshkian said. "We can only understand the people's concerns when they trust us," the centrist Entekhab news website quoted him as saying.
In another speech on Thursday, during a visit to Iran's southeastern shores near the Sea of Oman, Pezeshkian said, "In other countries, people are exploring ways to reach Mars, while we are still struggling to build a simple road. We need to set our sights on greater ambitions."
Tehran Province completely shut down its schools and government offices on Saturday due to a natural gas shortage, with similar closures reported in two-thirds of the country. Since September, Iran’s currency has lost 33% of its value following serious setbacks in Lebanon and Syria.
Addressing the challenges in Sistan-Baluchistan, one of Iran's poorest provinces in the southeast, Pezeshkian stated, "Here, we need to address the health and education needs of 1.5 million people. We require so many classrooms."
He expressed regret that many of the province’s public health issues remain unchanged, noting that they existed even 46 years ago when he served his compulsory military duty there.
Pezeshkian said that he avoids meetings and gatherings to refrain from making promises that cannot be fulfilled. "I cannot promise something I cannot do," he said. This comes while his government is planning to move Iran's capital to this province.
The reformist website Rouydad24, in a report published the same day, drew a comparison between the ambitions of former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who over a decade ago spoke of "managing the world," and a recent statement by parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf. He highlighted how, within a decade, declining oil revenues due to sanctions and international tensions have left Iran struggling to meet its energy needs and even to manage basic services like urban waste collection.
Ghalibaf seemed to overlook the fact that he served as the Mayor of Tehran from 2005 to 2017, a period when Iran's oil revenues were based on prices exceeding $100 per barrel, yet he failed to address the capital's persistent problems.
Officials are not oblivious to the problems, as Iranian media frequently report on public grievances about pollution, poverty, and resource shortages. Many officials openly acknowledge these crises, often sounding more like opposition figures than leaders who have been at the helm of the country for decades.
Tehran’s major challenges, including water shortages and pollution, have led the Pezeshkian administration to propose relocating the capital to the shores of the Sea of Oman. During his visit to the region on Thursday, Pezeshkian noted the complete lack of infrastructure in the area.
Iranian ecologist Hossein Akhani, writing on the Khabar Online website, criticized the government’s plan to relocate the capital, arguing that Iran has failed to build even a single livable small town in the past half-century. He questioned, "Who is going to build a capital for you? You have alienated all the experts and academics. A prominent economist who campaigned tirelessly to encourage people to vote for you is now barred from expressing his views."
Akhani also warned that the proposed location for the new capital faces severe environmental challenges, including freshwater shortages, rising temperatures, and declining rainfall. He emphasized that the area's fragile ecological state makes development unfeasible. Observing broader issues, Akhani noted, "None of Iran's existing cities meet the conditions required to serve as the country’s capital. They lack standard transportation systems, proper garbage collection and recycling facilities, and efficient energy management systems." He concluded emphatically, "The capital is not going anywhere."
Hassan Hassanzadeh, the commander of Tehran’s Mohammad Rasoulollah IRGC base, told local media that the trend of declining participation has intensified since the fall of Iran’s ally, Bashar al-Assad, in Syria. In a rare admission, he acknowledged that many IRGC and Basij members did not respond to calls to join what was intended to be a 110,000-strong drill.
However, the actual participation figure remains uncertain, as Hassanzadeh also said that “According to preliminary figures I have received, at least 27,000 Afghan brothers and sisters residing in Iran have filled out the participation form for the drills.”
Hassanzadeh, referring to what he described as a trend of non-cooperation by IRGC and Basij members with IRGC programs, stated: "Unfortunately, many of our colleagues who have had the honor of serving in the Basij and the IRGC have either declined to participate for various reasons or have not yet given a definitive response. This is a trend that we have seen increase since the events in Syria."
The event appeared more like a parade through the streets of the capital than a military drill intended to prepare for the defense of Tehran. Many Iranians on social media suggested that the exercise was aimed more at intimidating residents and deterring anti-government protests than preparing for a potential foreign attack.
The participants included anti-riot forces riding in groups of motorcyclists, a formation commonly used during protests. Typically, two men share each motorbike, with the passenger armed with clubs or chains to strike protesters.
The event also featured men carrying cardboard cutouts of “martyrs,” such as former Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, killed by Israel, and Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas, assassinated in Tehran last year. Heavily armed IRGC forces were present, carrying assault rifles and riding in pick-up trucks mounted with heavy machine guns. Some participants, dressed as early Islamic warriors, brandished oversized swords—all these displays seemingly intended to intimidate the public.
An official IRGC announcement highlighted the distribution of free food to all participants, along with a few hundred “wedding gift packages” for supporters preparing to get married. In Iran, free food handed out at such events is commonly referred to as “sandis,” a term often used humorously. Those who attend government-organized gatherings solely for the freebies are mockingly called “Sandiskhor,” or freeloaders.
Iran International analyst, Morad Veisi pointed out before the event that “The timing of the drill coincides with political shifts in the US, including the return of Donald Trump to the White House, and a weakening of Tehran’s regional position, which have raised concerns within the Islamic Republic’s ruling circles.”