US behavior key to indirect talks after Trump letter, Iran says

The case centers on Cryptoland, a digital exchange shut down after the May 2021 arrest of its CEO, Sina Estavi.

At the time of his arrest, Estavi had no formal accusers, but once the news spread thousands of investors lodged complaints. Mizan news website, controlled by Iran's notorious Judiciary department, later reported over 51,000 plaintiffs.

The BRG token, which Estavi had developed, collapsed in value following his arrest. Blockchain records show that just a day after his detention, six billion BRG tokens were moved from his crypto wallet. This was before the general public was aware of a potential scandal.

These were then sold off by IRGC officers, generating tens of millions of dollars for the interrogators themselves.

A court-appointed expert identified two of the key figures: Mehdi Hajipour and Mehdi Badi, both senior interrogators in the IRGC’s economic branch. The expert’s report confirms that wallets controlled by Hajipour sold over $21 million in BRG tokens.

In March 2022, IRGC counterintelligence agents arrested Hajipour in a sting operation. He was caught accepting a $10,000 payment from Estavi, who had been led to believe he was buying back the stolen tokens from a third party — a fake identity Hajipour had created.

Court documents show that before the token theft, Hajipour’s assets were worth about 10 billion rials ($40,000 at the time). Four months later, his fortune had surged to 600 billion rials — spent on real estate, gold, and luxury vehicles. He was later held in Ward 66, a prison used for detained IRGC personnel.

The court document also reveals that Hajipour had a network of senior interrogators from the IRGC Intelligence Organization working alongside him.

The second suspect in this case is Mehdi Badi, a senior interrogator who operated under the alias Dr. Ebadi, whose name has appeared in many major cases labeled as IRGC economic corruption investigations.

He is the nephew of Ali Akbar Hosseini Mehrab, the former Deputy for Economic Anti-Corruption Affairs at the IRGC intelligence organization, who also served for a time as the Director General of Intelligence in Khuzestan and was later appointed as the governor of Khuzestan under the President Ebrahim Raisi administration.

According to the court document, two other interrogators from the IRGC intelligence organization, Majid Jahan Parto and Majid Tabatabaei, are also members of the corruption network, along with four others who assisted the group by forging documents.

There is no available information about the fate of the defendants in this case or the sentences they received, except that Hajipour’s appeal was rejected in September 2022.

However, Sina Estavi was sentenced to 15 years in prison and ordered to return the embezzled funds. He fled the country under pressure from the senior interrogators—who had in fact stolen the victims' money themselves.

Three months after Hajipour’s arrest, Hossein Taeb was dismissed from his position as head of the IRGC intelligence organization and replaced by Mohammad Kazemi.

Half of the victims in this case—whose money amounted to $14 million—were repaid from Estavi’s account while he was in prison, but around 25,000 others are still owed money. They are creditors of funds that were obtained and never returned by Hajipour, Badi, and the other members of the network.

“If he promised to remove internet restrictions and says he can, then he should. If he can’t, he should walk away,” political analyst Abbas Abdi said in comments published by Khabar Online on Saturday.

“There was no need for more meetings. He could have issued the order in the summer and the platforms would have been unblocked immediately.”

The sharp remarks come amid waning confidence in the president, elected on a platform that included commitments to ease Islamic restrictions on society, give more freedom to the media, and restore access to global platforms like Telegram, Instagram, and YouTube.

Voters also hoped Pezeshkian would help achieve a diplomatic breakthrough with the United States and ease the burden of crippling US sanctions. However, foreign policy is under the firm control of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and it is clear he is not willing to make sufficient concessions.

Nearly eight months into his presidency, critics say none of these objectives have been meaningfully pursued—and the economic situation has deteriorated further, with the national currency plunging to an all-time low.

Abdi argued that Pezeshkian’s declining popularity reflected the administration’s inaction. “His approval should have gone up since taking office. Instead, it’s halved,” he said.

The critique reflects broader disillusionment among segments of the Iranian public. Protests over economic hardship and social constraints have surged in recent months, and Abdi warned that the next wave could be more expansive. “Right now, each sector has had its own protests. Economic protests have come from the lower classes, while cultural and social protests have been led by women... Now, they’ve all come together. In my opinion, the next wave of protests will be very widespread—unless the political system decides to address and resolve some of these issues.”

Although Pezeshkian promised reforms, he also said he had no plans of his own and would follow Khamenei's policies.

Esmail Gerami-Moghaddam, another political figure aligned with the Reformist camp, echoed similar frustrations, urging Pezeshkian to “stand firmly against hardliners” and fulfill the mandate given to him by voters. “The public voted not for the endurance of hardline power, but for its curtailment,” he said.

Gerami-Moghaddam criticized Pezeshkian’s decision to retain conservative ministers and warned that ongoing economic woes, compounded by sanctions, will persist unless there is a shift in foreign and domestic policy. “No one can stabilize the economy without addressing the sanctions,” he said.

Both figures cited structural dysfunction as a key impediment.

Pezeshkian appears to lack clear solutions on pressing issues. Addressing Iran’s soaring prices, he recently admitted, "I have no idea whom to blame for the uncontrolled rising prices." His remark drew sharp criticism on social media, where many reminded him that, as president, he is ultimately responsible for the government's handling of the crisis.

The ministry said in a statement that keeping diplomatic processes private best serves national interests.

Also on Sunday, government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani reiterated that "Iran's response to the sent letter was prepared and delivered."

Writing on social media platform X, Mohajerani added, "In this regard, the path of indirect negotiations with the United States is on the agenda, and the diplomatic process continues."

The confirmation follows reports from Iranian officials detailing Tehran's response to a recent letter from US President Donald Trump, which, according to Iranian sources, reiterated long-standing positions, rejecting key US demands regarding its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its regional alliances.

While the specifics of the exchanged letters remain confidential, in line with the Foreign Ministry's statement, Iranian officials have offered insights into Tehran's stance.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi confirmed earlier in the week that Iran's official response to Trump's letter had been conveyed appropriately via Oman, a traditional mediator between the two adversaries.

Araghchi reiterated Iran's unwillingness to engage in direct negotiations under what it describes as maximum pressure and military threats, though he noted that indirect talks could continue, as they had in the past.

Ahmad Bakhshayesh Ardestani, a member of the Iranian parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, also said that Iran had informed the US of its willingness to discuss the nuclear issue, but only through indirect channels and based on the framework of the 2015 nuclear deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

According to Ardestani, Iran's response rejected any discussion of its ballistic missile capabilities, which Tehran considers a matter of national defense and non-negotiable.

Similarly, Iran has pushed back against US efforts to curb its backing of regional groups, asserting that these relationships are based on bilateral agreements and that these allies are independent actors, he added.

"Given that Iran has no intention of acquiring an atomic bomb, as nuclear weapons have no place in our defense strategy, we are prepared to negotiate on this matter. However, discussions on other subjects are not on the table," he said.

On Saturday, the New Arab, citing anonymous Iranian sources, reported that Tehran's response mirrored the tone and structure of Trump's message, rejecting demands viewed as unreasonable.

The outlet said that Iran emphasized any nuclear talks must adhere to the original terms of the JCPOA and be based on mutual respect, resisting any attempts to broaden the scope of negotiations or impose new restrictions.

While Trump has said that a new agreement should guarantee that Tehran never acquires nuclear weapons, the JCPOA allowed limited uranium enrichment, which in the future can provide the technical means to obtain fissile material.

Regarding the mediators of the correspondence, Ardestani said that the US bypassed Oman, Switzerland, and Japan this time, possibly due to past unsuccessful attempts, and instead used the UAE, perhaps reflecting a more forceful tone. However, Iran delivered its reply via Oma, signaling its preference for a country it sees as more neutral.

Ardestani added that while the UAE received a copy, Oman is the messenger, likely due to Iran's higher level of trust.

The diplomatic overture unfolds against the backdrop of Trump's reimposition of a "maximum pressure" campaign in February, aiming to halt Iran's oil exports and force a broader deal encompassing its nuclear and missile programs, as well as its regional influence.

Trump has issued a two-month deadline for a new nuclear agreement, threatening military consequences if Tehran fails to comply. It remains unclear if Washington would accept indirect talks that from past experience could drag on for years.

B-2 Spirit bombers have arrived at Naval Support Facility Diego Garcia in Chagos Islands, a US Strategic Command spokesperson confirmed to Iran International earlier this week as Washington ramps up rhetoric against Iran.

In an apparent response to the deployment, a senior Iranian military official told The Telegraph, "There will be no distinction in targeting British or American forces if Iran is attacked from any base in the region or within the range of Iranian missiles."

“When the time comes, it won’t matter whether you’re an American, British, or Turkish soldier – you will be targeted if your base is used by Americans," the senior official was quoted as saying.

However, the Indian Ocean base is 3,800 kilometers from the Iran and Iranian ballistic missiles have a maximum range of 2,000 kilometers.

A British government spokesman on Saturday condemned Iran's threats in the strongest terms.

"The UK Government continues to work with partners across the region to encourage de-escalation. The base on Diego Garcia is vital to UK and US security and plays a crucial role in maintaining regional and international security," The Telegraph reported citing the spokesman.

The US military has deployed the B-2 stealth bombers along with C-17 cargo planes and 10 aerial refueling tankers in the last few days, defense industry outlet The War Zone reported on Wednesday citing satellite imagery.

The joint UK-US military base at Diego Garcia has previously been used to launch US strikes on the Middle East including Iraq and Afghanistan, with the deployment suggesting the potential for large-scale air operations in the region.

US President Donald Trump has in a letter to Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei demanded Tehran come to a deal over its nuclear program or face a military intervention.

The Islamic Republic, in response, has rejected any negotiations on its ballistic missile program or regional allies, and any nuclear talks beyond the framework of the 2015 nuclear deal.

Meanwhile, the US military continues a bombing campaign on Tehran-aligned Houthi fighters in Yemen, warning that any attack by the Houthis would be treated as emanating from Iran.

Araghchi, widely seen as representing Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s position, has stated in multiple interviews and statements that Iran’s current strategy is to engage with the US through intermediaries.

However, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, former head of the Iranian parliament’s Foreign Relations and National Security Committee, told the conservative Nameh News website: “Trump will not accept negotiations through intermediaries.”

He also criticized President Massoud Pezeshkian for “lacking a clear foreign policy strategy,” arguing that while Trump appears to have a plan for every possible scenario, Iran’s president has yet to outline a vision for Tehran’s future relations with Washington.

Since Pezeshkian is widely known to have limited authority over foreign policy, the criticism may have been aimed at Khamenei, though the politician would not have dared to address him directly.

“Currently, Trump's plan is to force Iran to the negotiating table through maximum pressure,” Falahatpisheh said, adding that “diplomacy will have a chance if Trump moderates his stance.” He also made it clear that Trump seeks direct talks with Iran.

Falahatpisheh further noted that apart from some Persian Gulf states, most international players are focused on their own interests rather than easing tensions between Iran and the US. He pointed to the recent trilateral meeting between Iran, China, and Russia in Beijing, saying that both China and Russia were primarily advancing their own agendas rather than working to resolve Iran’s standoff with Washington.

Earlier this week, Khamenei's senior adviser Ali Larijani, as well as prominent economists in Tehran said that Iran needs to address its problems with the United States urgently in a bid to lift or reduce US sanctions and give the ailing economy a chance to grow after many years of crises and stagnation.

Iranian economist Mehdi Pazouki, an academic in Tehran told the press that Iran's economy is hostage to the country's failing foreign policy and Iran's inability to have amicable relations with the world.

Ali Ghanbari, another Iranian economist, told Iranian media that the country’s economy is under strain due to its foreign policy, which is not controlled by the Pezeshkian administration. Without explicitly stating that Khamenei, rather than Pezeshkian, oversees Iran’s foreign policy—particularly Tehran’s relations with Washington—Ghanbari described it as “a structural problem beyond the control of Pezeshkian’s government.”

Given this reality, Falahatpisheh outlined two possible scenarios for the future of Iran-US dynamics: “Either a war breaks out between Iran and Israel, with the United States carrying out precision strikes on targets in Iran—an escalation that would not stop there but spread across the region—or there will be no war, but additional countries will join the United States in its maximum pressure campaign against Iran.”

He noted that even China and Russia will cautiously support the United States in this case if Washington guarantees their interests.

Falahatpisheh noted that “Iran has not identified its opportunities in this situation or considered the consequences of what might unfold.” He blamed Pezeshkian’s passivity and inaction for the current state of affairs, suggesting that the president should begin the new year with concrete operational plans. Meanwhile, Pezeshkian’s stated approach has been to push forward Khamenei’s impractical vision of domestic investment as a path to economic recovery—without explaining how it would be implemented.

As inaction continues and unrealistic economic projections persist, the exchange rate for the US dollar in Tehran’s markets has surpassed one million rials. According to former Central Bank governor Mohammad Hossein Adeli, every Iranian household is effectively paying 180 million rials ($180) per month as a hidden cost of US sanctions. He warned that with each Iranian losing money to the sanctions’ impact on non-oil trade, the situation could become a serious security issue for the country before 2029.