Iran’s Oil Exports Hit a 5-Year High in 2024

The June 28 presidential election marked the lowest voter turnout in the history of the Islamic Republic, with only 39.92 percent participation. This breaks the previous record set during the last election, in which the late President Ebrahim Raisi won with a turnout of 48 percent.

"The elections in Iran are not free and fair," a State Department spokesperson said.

"Unfortunately, we have no expectation that these elections, whatever the outcome, will lead to fundamental change in Iran’s direction or more respect by the Iranian regime for the human rights of Iran’s citizens," the spokesperson added, as the Iranian government prepares for a runoff presidential election slated for July 5.

Biden administration's Acting Special Envoy for Iran Abram Paley said two days before the Iranian elections that and candidates are handpicked by the Guardian Council, and voters lack access to the “most basic freedoms; necessary features of any democracy."

"In the face of the authoritarian regime’s long history of harassing and intimidating journalists, suppressing election coverage, and denying freedom of peaceful of assembly, we support the Iranian people," he said on his X account.

Iranian candidates are vetted before they can stand for election. The 12-member Guardian Council, whose members are appointed or recommended by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, disqualifies anyone deemed insufficiently loyal to the system.

The vetting process leaves voters with no real choice. Many Iranians seem indifferent to the vetting process itself, having lost faith in the system’s willingness or ability to change through elections.

Activists and officials have highlighted that the low turnout in Iran's June 28 votes is a clear sign of the public's discontent with the ruling autocracy, demonstrated through the widespread boycott of the election.

In 2021, voter turnout was 48 percent, the lowest for any presidential election in Iran's history. This year, turnout has dropped further to less than 40 percent, marking an unprecedented trend since the Islamic Republic's establishment in 1979. Additionally, the 2021 election saw the highest percentage of void and blank votes ever recorded, accounting for 13 percent of all ballots cast.

The record-low voter turnout is a significant blow to Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, who had repeatedly called for a high turnout in the election.

“We place great importance on high participation because the most significant effect of high participation is the honor of the Islamic Republic,” Khamenei stated in a speech on Tuesday, calling high voter turnout "crucial" for the Islamic Republic's survival.

While the official voter turnout of 39.92% announced by Iran's Interior Ministry is already a stark indicator of voter apathy among the population, many Iranians are now expressing suspicions that the Islamic Republic might be inflating these already low turnout figures.

A recent analysis by United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) said that a covert arm of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard (IRGC) has been rigging elections and manipulating Iran's political landscape through a clandestine network of cultural and political operations.

Known as the Baqiatallah Headquarters, this apparatus works closely with the Intelligence Ministry to strategically influence the current snap election to replace former President Ebrahim Raisi, the NGO reports.

Hardliners such as Jalili more openly prioritize Islamic Republic values above all else, while Pezeshkian's supporters are trying to morph him into the already existent duality of reformists vs fundamentalists in the system.

This may be an effort to fabricate a sense of competition and address historically low voter turnout, in successive elections since 2020.

However, so far it has failed, as Friday's first round of the presidential election saw a turnout of under 40%, the lowest since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979. Nevertheless, their efforts persist ahead of the upcoming runoff on Friday: to instill fear of the competitor, Saeed Jalili, portraying him as the very monster people dread, thereby rallying voters to flock to the polling stations supporting Pezeshkian.

On Saturday, Pezeshkian emphasized, "We must secure ourselves and avert disaster. Let us awaken to the realization that what could transpire is no laughing matter; untrustworthy, inexperienced, and potentially dangerous individuals could transform Iran into a colossal laboratory of bizarre ideas."

Following protests in Iran since 2017, which significantly intensified in 2022 with the "Woman Life Freedom" movement, the popular mood has become clear. Many feel the current establishment falls short of meeting their needs, prompting calls for a new political system.

Against this backdrop, three key political arenas loom large: human rights, particularly women's freedom; the unchecked power of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC); and the economy, deeply entwined with tensions involving the West and Israel.

'Reformists' are endeavoring to portray Pezeshkian as a champion of women's rights, critical of the system's oppression of women, and advocating the lifting of sanctions and fostering better international relations, including a shift in foreign policy. Ultimately, they aim to depict him as a politician opposed to the IRGC rather than a supporter.

A retrospective examination of Pezeshkian’s parliamentary career, which started in 2008 and continues to this day, starkly contrasts with the reformist faction's portrayal, particularly regarding his positions in these critical arenas.

Let's juxtapose the image projected by the reformists who endorse Pezeshkian by examining his historical record and political stance on the ground.

Stance on women's rights:

In May 2010, Pezeshkian was among those lawmakers who supported a bill in Parliament promoting the Islamic principle of publicly shaming women who defy the mandatory hijab. Vigilantes sometimes use this principle to confront others, occasionally resorting to violence in the name of religious duty.

During the 2022 Women's Life Freedom event, Pezeshkian remarked, "This situation only benefits the hypocrites and enemies of the Iranian people, who seek to sow turmoil and unrest and widen the gap between the people and the government."

He also denounced the protests as orchestrated acts of aggression, attributing Iran's most significant uprising since the inception of the Islamic Republic to the influence of the US and Europe.

At the same time, security forces' crackdown on protesters, which led to the deaths of at least 550 protesters, was denounced as a crime against humanity by a UN fact-finding mission.

The bill allowed citizens to be sentenced to financial fines, imprisonment, and exile, which underpins the current violent clashes involving women on the streets of the Islamic Republic.

Despite benefiting from the reformists' current support, Pezeshkian echoes their narrative only partially and consistently references Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's principles as the basis of his plans. Former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif is the leading proponent advancing this constructed reformist narrative. Zarif, who once claimed to have 'zero' power during his tenure, now claims that the presidential administration can have a major role in shaping people's lives.

On Saturday, during a presidential campaign event endorsing Pezeshkian, Zarif remarked, “They [the conservatives] are the architects behind all the oppressive laws, internet restrictions, the Nour Plan, etc."

The Nour Plan is an initiative introduced in Iran in April, focusing on enforcing strict hijab regulations for women; it came into effect following a directive by Supreme Leader Khamenei. This policy has resulted in the violent arrest of hundreds of women across various cities in Iran and has been referred to as "gender apartheid" by the United Nations.

Stance on IRGC:

In 2019, when then-US President Donald Trump designated the IRGC as a terrorist organization, Pezeshkian and his parliamentary peers pushed Iran to escalate tensions with the US. They introduced legislation that became law under the title "Strengthening the position of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps against the United States."

This, in turn, consolidated more power for the IRGC in political and economic spheres, tightening its grip on the Iranian government and other institutions within the Islamic Republic. This also intensified repression, escalated violence against citizens, and heightened insecurity and conflicts with neighboring countries.

Pezeshkian also wore the Revolutionary Guard uniform alongside fellow parliamentarians in solidarity with the IRGC one day after Trump's decision.

During a university lecture in December 2022, he responded to a student criticizing his choice to wear the IRGC uniform, stating, "Without the IRGC, this country would have been divided, and our work would have ended."

Also, even during the current presidential election debates, he openly expressed unconditional and uncritical support for the IRGC, describing their missiles and drones as "a source of pride."

This sharply contrasts with how reformists, led by Zarif, try to portray themselves as opponents of the IRGC.

Zarif had accused IRGC Quds Force commander Soleimani of meddling in diplomatic efforts, including the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signed in 2015. He also labeled two prominent IRGC figures as "corrupt and liars."

In an audio file released by Iran Wire on the 2024 parliamentary election, Zarif discussed the ongoing rivalry between reformists and IRGC-affiliated individuals, specifically mentioning figures like Hossein Taeb, former head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization, and Mohammad Ali Jafari, former IRGC commander-in-chief.

Stance on foreign policy:

The third area underpinning many of Iran's current economic and international crises is the ongoing tensions between the Islamic Republic and the West and particularly their ally Israel.

In December 2008, during his tenure in parliament, Pezeshkian and 39 other members proposed a bill, turned into law, titled "Obliging the government to provide all-round support to Palestine," which called for significant Iranian intervention in Gaza.

This plan demanded the Iranian government reassess its political and economic relations with countries supporting Israel, effectively promoting confrontation with a large group of powerful nations. It also sought to prevent Israeli goods from entering Iran and prohibited contracts with companies whose principal shareholders were Israeli entities.

Implementing this plan intensified Iran's political confrontation with Western countries, leading to significant economic costs due to disrupted trade.

Now, as they campaign for the presidency, Pezeshkian and his team steer clear of this anti-Western history. They promote de-escalation and global peace to attract support from many Iranians who despise the government's confrontational foreign policy. In recent economic and political debates, Pezeshkian has repeatedly emphasized the necessity of having good relations with other countries, stating that "we must have relations with the world" and advocating for stronger ties with all nations except Israel.

The individuals—Nasim Gholami Simiyari, Hamidreza Sahlabadi, Amin Sokhanvar, Ali Harati Mokhtari, Hossein Mohammad Hosseini, Amir Shah-Velayati, Ehsan Ravazjian, and Hossein Ardestani—were tried by Branch 26 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court.

Among them, Gholami Simiyari and Sahlabadi faced charges of "armed rebellion against the Islamic Republic," which can lead to harsh sentences including the death penalty.

During the court session, Gholami Simiyari denied all charges, stating that her confessions were coerced through pressure and torture by security officers, and prolonged solitary confinement.

Sources close to the families of the protesters revealed that the six other defendants face various charges, including "membership in a rebel group, assembly and collusion to commit crimes against national security, propaganda against the Islamic Republic, disturbing public order, security, and public peace."

At the end of the court session, the judge informed the defendants and their lawyers that the trial had concluded, and a verdict would be issued soon.

Four individuals—Harati Mokhtari, Mohammad Hosseini, Shah-Velayati, and Ardestani—have been released on bail. However, Gholami Simiyari, Sahlabadi, Sokhanvar, and Ravazjian remain detained in Evin Prison for over a year after their arrest.

The Islamic Republic has repeatedly coerced detainees into testifying against themselves by recording and broadcasting forced confessions. Three other individuals—Shahin Zahmatkesh, Siamak Taddayon, and Siamak Golshani—also face charges but remain at large.

At least eight people were hanged over trumped-up charges related to the nationwide protests of 2022, with several more protesters currently on death row.

"Our current enemy is Wahhabism... all the Saudi forces in the country are using Wahhabism to destroy Islamic unity and, on the other hand, to build a base for themselves in the world and disperse Muslims," Sobhani emphasized as reported by IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News Agency.

Wahhabism, a branch of Sunni Islam, described as “a revivalist movement that grew out of the Hanbali school” by Human Rights Watch is widely practiced in Saudi Arabia.

The Islamic Republic has had tense relations with Saudi Arabia over the years, both as a rival to leadership in the region and as an adversary of the United States and its allies. In 2017, Saudi diplomatic missions were attacked by hardliner Shia religious mobs, tolerated by the Iranian government. The incident led to severance of ties for six years.

Sobhani added that elements from the “Deobandi movement” - a revivalist Sunni movement that spread from India to Pakistan and Afghanistan are “active” in Iran. He labeled these Deobandis as "a second form of Wahhabism" and emphasized the need to “examine and address the roots and issues of Wahhabism within the country.”

Sunni Muslims are a minority in Iran mostly belonging to Kurdish, Baluchi and other ethnic groups. The Sunnis are discriminated against by Iran's Shiite clerical rulers, both by being denied high-level government jobs and also being subjected to religious restrictions, such as being denied mosques in the capital Tehran.

Previously, other Iranian clerics have suggested that Wahhabism is on the rise in Iran, including ​​a high-ranking seminarian in Qom, Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad-Javad Alavi-Boroujerdi in late 2013 during an interview.

"The number of Wahabi Muslims in Iran is also on the rise. They have increased their activities and have their own Friday Prayer congregations," said Boroujerdi.

Babak Negahdari added that an additional 72,000 teachers are expected to retire by September 2024, further straining the Ministry of Education's ability to fill positions.

He blames the teacher shortage on several factors, including neglect of universities that train teachers, the weakening of teacher training centers, and flawed teacher employment regulations implemented between 2009 and 2021.

He additionally highlighted challenges like the low pay offered to retired teachers who return to work and the dismissal of educators for activism.

Mohammad Habibi, spokesperson for the Teachers' Trade Union, said earlier in June, "I have reliable information that dozens of newly hired teachers in just one branch of the Gilan Province Education Department have been fired for a single Instagram post,” he said, noting that it has not been made public because authorities are worried about the potential security repercussions.

He added that there are numerous similar cases across the country, and these dismissals are one of the factors contributing to the teacher shortage in education over the past two years.

These issues arise amidst a long history of government pressure and attempts to suppress teachers and union activists. In recent years, numerous teachers were detained and faced harsh prison sentences. The crackdown has intensified since the beginning of the 2022 protests.