Mojtaba Khamenei, a cleric and the son of Iran’s Supreme Leader, has surprised many in Iran by announcing the suspension of his religious lectures, describing the decision as "either permanent or temporary."
The announcement came during his online lecture on Sunday, marking the end of his 13-year tenure as a religious lecturer that could help make him an Ayatollah one day..
In a video statement, Khamenei said that the decision was personal, adding, “This has nothing to do with political matters and is an issue between me and God.” He further noted that he had only informed two individuals about the decision and that even his father, Ali Khamenei, was unaware of his decision.
Iranian media reported that approximately 700 students were enrolled in Mojtaba Khamenei's class, which focused on Islamic jurisprudence.
Speculation about the suspension has circulated widely, with some attributing the move to concerns over his security, given his status as a potential successor to his father. For years, the younger Khamenei has been seen as a potential successor to his father, sparking widespread debate among Iranians and online, despite limited acknowledgment or discussion from Iranian officials.
In April 2023, a leaked document reportedly from a confidential meeting between senior IRGC commanders and the Supreme Leader suggested that Mojtaba Khamenei was actively pursuing the succession project. The document also implied that Mojtaba had begun influencing high-level appointments, bypassing figures such as Ebrahim Raisi, a former frontrunner for leadership.
The theory of Mojtaba Khamenei’s succession gained further attention following the death of Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash earlier this year.
Sadegh Mohammadi, Vice President of the General Assembly of the Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom, described Mojtaba Khamenei as a “jurisprudent and Muslim scholar” in March. He also suggested that Mojtaba could be “one of the future leadership candidates.”
Concerns over a hereditary transfer of power have been voiced by critics within Iran, including Mir-Hossein Mousavi, a leader of the dissident Green Movement of 2010s. In a letter from August 2022, Mousavi warned of the “hereditary leadership in Iran,” citing ongoing rumors that Mojtaba Khamenei was being groomed to succeed his father. He questioned why Iranian authorities had never publicly denied these claims, "if they are not thinking of Mojtaba’s rise to the throne?””
Mojtaba Khamenei, now 55 years old, is the son-in-law of Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, a former Speaker of the Iranian Parliament. His name became more prominent in discussions of succession after Mehdi Karroubi, another leader of the Green Movement, directly accused him of playing a critical role in securing Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s victory in the 2005 presidential election.
In 2009, following the disputed presidential election, Mojtaba Khamenei faced accusations of orchestrating electoral fraud. Protests erupted across the country, marking the birth of the Green Movement, with demonstrators chanting slogans against him.
The Shabnameh X account, which claims to bypass the censorship of the Islamic Republic and reflect the voice of the Iranian people, speculated that the suspension of Mojtaba’s lectures might signal that he is no longer being groomed as the next leader. An Iranian political analyst, speaking anonymously, told Iran International that if Mojtaba Khamenei is halting his lectures, it could indicate disagreements with his father.
The account stated, "After orchestrating the election by installing Masoud Pezeshkian, a so-called reformist, as president, Khamenei is now signaling that his second son, Mojtaba, is no longer in the running for leadership by suspending Mojtaba’s 13-year-long jurisprudence class."
The Jihad missile system was officially unveiled for the first time on Saturday, introducing a new launch platform for liquid-fueled missiles, according to Iranian government media and IRGC sources.
According to the IRGC-affiliated Tasnim website, it is a ballistic missile with a range of 1,000 kilometers, featuring a dual-missile launcher that distinguishes it from other Iranian liquid-fueled missiles.
Tasnim stated, "A glance at the Jihad missile reveals that it is an optimized version of the Qiam missile, whose range was previously increased from 800 kilometers to 1,000 kilometers, and its warhead became guided."
The Qiam missile, Iran's first liquid-fueled missile without fins, was introduced in 2010 with an initial range of 800 kilometers. Its design modification for fin removal allowed for launch from various missile silos. Subsequent enhancements included the replacement of the standard triple-cone warhead with a detachable, guided variant, improving accuracy to within 50 meters, according to Tasnim.
In October 2018, images from an operation revealed the Qiam missile with newly added small fins to enhance its flight profile. By 2021, the Ministry of Defense reported further advancements in the Qiam missile, achieving a range of 1,000 kilometers and marking the emergence of what the IRGC says is a new generation.
According to Tasnim, the Jihad missile is equipped with a warhead weighing approximately 600 kilograms and travels at speeds exceeding eight times the speed of sound. It employs a different launch platform, enabling the simultaneous launch of two missiles, thus enhancing operational efficiency despite the longer preparation time typically associated with liquid-fueled missiles.
Although the Islamic Republic has made continuous advancements in its ballistic missile program, it is not possible to independently verify claims of developing advanced weapons. Around 350 missiles and drones launched against Israel in April, 99% were intercepted by Israeli air defenses and allied warplanes.
Following the introduction of the Kheibar-Shekan and Martyr Haj Qasem missiles, Tasnim reported that a new generation of Iranian ballistic missile launch platforms has also become operational. This platform, used in the Fattah missile, is equipped with the DRU (Precise Navigation System), providing highly accurate positioning data. "This enables rapid firing immediately after deployment, along with swift closure and exit capabilities," the report added.
Iran's missile program has generated ongoing concerns among Western nations, particularly the United States and its allies, as Iran invests heavily in developing various ballistic and cruise missiles. The advancements in missile technology have raised alarms about potential threats to regional stability, especially regarding Iran's backing of non-state actors and militant groups.
The potential development of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) has prompted calls for tighter controls over Iran's missile program.
In response to the tensions, the United States and its allies have imposed sanctions targeting Iran's missile development, aiming to restrict access to materials and technologies that could enhance missile capabilities.
New sanctions were recently implemented against Iran and its state airline, Iran Air, following allegations of missile deliveries to Russia.
Despite international scrutiny, Iran maintains its right to develop missile capabilities, framing it as a matter of national sovereignty.
Among the entourage are Masoud Pezeshkian’s two sons, daughter, and son-in-law.
Reports from outlets such as Modara and Tejarat News in Tehran indicate that in addition to close family members, several individuals linked to Elias Hazrati, the head of the government’s information council, also joined Pezeshkian on the trip.
Pezeshkian had previously faced public backlash after it was revealed that his son-in-law, Hassan Majidi, accompanied him on a government trip to Iraq. It was later revealed that Pezeshkian’s son and daughter had also been part of that delegation.
Iranian media reported last week that Majidi had since been appointed as the executive assistant to the head of the president’s office, raising additional concerns about nepotism within the government.
Modara’s report further highlighted the ongoing secrecy surrounding Pezeshkian's New York delegation, noting: “In Iran, the number of travelers to New York and the president's companions has always been controversial, but no head of state has been willing to transparently disclose the names of their companions on this trip.”
Among the officials confirmed to be traveling with Pezeshkian are Abbas Araghchi, the foreign minister; Mohammad Javad Zarif, deputy for strategic affairs; Zahra Behrouz Azar, deputy for women's affairs; Mehdi Sanaei, political deputy of the president’s office; and Mohammad Jafar Ghaempanah, the executive deputy.
The Trump administration banned Zarif from visiting the United States in 2019, when Washington was pursuing 'maximum pressure' on Tehran.
The presence of government officials' children and family members at state events has long been a point of contention in Iranian politics. On August 28, at the ceremony introducing Mohammad Atabak as the new Minister of Industry, Mine, and Trade, Hamid Reza Aref, the eldest son of First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref, was seen attending, provoking widespread criticism.
As far back as 2012, during then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s trip to New York, approximately 140 people accompanied him. Mohammad Ali Pourmokhtar, a member of Iran’s parliament, revealed that many of the travelers were "family members and relatives of government officials."
Iran's latest president, Pezeshkian, stated that his goal for the visit to UNGA is to "neutralize the atmosphere" surrounding the Islamic Republic abroad. Iran has in the last two years been sanctioned for terror activities abroad, support for Russia's war on Ukraine, human rights abuses at home and its ongoing nuclear program.
Speaking on Sunday before his departure, he suggested a desire to win over the Iranian diaspora of whom there are over half a million originally born in Iran. "We can exchange views with Iranians there and neutralize the atmosphere they have created outside the country.
"The reality is not what they present through television, tribunes, or in gatherings," he said. Iran has seen massive activism and protests from its community around the US in a bid to garner international support to overthrow the government, gaining pace since the 2022 uprising.
In a bid to overturn the massively negative perceptions, Pezeshkian said: "Our Iran is much safer and freer than they [foreign media] have depicted."
In an interview with the Entekhab website, Fadahossein Maleki, a member of Iranian parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said on Sunday that "the interviews that Pezeshkian will conduct with Western media during his trip to New York will impact the US elections."
Pezeshkian also said that he intends to speak with other heads of state to "create peace and security in the world". It comes one year after the US designated Iran the world's number one state sponsor of terrorism.
Abbas Araghchi, Iran's Foreign Minister, who had already departed for New York ahead of Pezeshkian, said his meetings on the sidelines of the General Assembly on Sunday would center around the conflict in Gaza between Israel and Iran-backed Hamas.
Araghchi said that on the first day, he held "serious discussions" with the foreign ministers of Kuwait and Bahrain, and the Secretary-General of the Gulf Cooperation Council regarding "regional stability and security, the Palestinian issue, Israel's crimes in Gaza and southern Lebanon, the dangers Israeli policies pose to all countries, and the need to counter these policies."
On September 19, Reuters, citing three Iranian officials, reported that Pezeshkian, on his first trip to the West since his election, would carry a message signaling that "Tehran is open to diplomacy", while emphasizing that Tehran will not bow to pressure.
The report predicted that Iranian and European officials at the UN would explore ways to return to diplomacy regarding the Islamic Republic's nuclear program while seeking to reduce tensions with Israel. However, there has been no sign indicating European or US interest in reopening negotiations.
In their initial statements about the trip, neither Araghchi nor Pezeshkian mentioned the nuclear issue in spite of Iran having accelerated its nuclear program and obstructed UN inspectors.
According to the latest confidential reports from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the Islamic Republic continues its high-enrichment uranium production, which could be used for building nuclear weapons.
France, the UK, and Germany, known as the European Troika, have increased pressure on Tehran to return to negotiations.
On September 10, these countries, along with the US, imposed new sanctions on the Islamic Republic due to its supply of ballistic missiles to Russia, an issue which has led to the deterioration of relations between Iran and the West, in addition to Iran's support for its regional proxies.
Since the war in Gaza, Iran's proxies have launched attacks on Israel from countries including Yemen, Syria and Iraq, in addition to Yemen's Houthis imposing a maritime blockade on the Red Sea region which has massively disrupted global shipping.
On September 18 and 19, a suspected Israeli cyber operation caused the explosion of thousands of pagers and hand-held radios used by Hezbollah fighters, resulting in scores of deaths and injuries to more than 3,000 people. Hezbollah immediately blamed Israel and vowed "unique and bloody vengeance" in response. While this event stirred international attention, many Iranians showed a striking lack of compassion toward Hezbollah members. This reaction is deeply rooted in Iran’s internal strife, its government’s ties with Hezbollah, and the brutal repression of dissent in Iran.
Hezbollah, a Tehran-backed militant group based in Lebanon, has long been an extension of the Islamic Republic of Iran's influence in the region. Since its inception in the early 1980s, Hezbollah has received financial, military, and logistical support from the Iranian regime, becoming a key player in Tehran's regional strategy. Many Iranians view Hezbollah as a tool used by the Islamic Republic to pursue its geopolitical interests at the expense of both Iranian citizens and other populations in the Middle East.
Hezbollah's actions have gone beyond mere regional politics. The group has been involved in suppressing dissent in Lebanon, Syria, and even Iran. During the Syrian civil war, Hezbollah fighters actively supported the Assad regime, known for mass atrocities and human rights violations. Furthermore, many Iranians believe that Hezbollah operatives aided in suppressing protests in Iran, particularly during the 2022 "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement. The crackdown on these protests involved violent tactics, including shooting protesters with shotgun birdshots, resulting in numerous injuries and deaths.
The "Woman, Life, Freedom" protests in 2022 were a pivotal moment in Iran, marking widespread dissent against the regime's oppressive policies, especially those targeting women. Iranian security forces used brutal measures to suppress the movement. According to reports, at least 138 individuals lost their eyesight. In addition to this brutal repression, at least 46 children were killed by Iranian security forces during the protests, targeted by birdshots, long-range precision weapons, and baton blows. Many protesters, including these children, were systematically targeted, with security forces aiming for their eyes and faces, leaving deep psychological scars on the Iranian populace.
Considering this history, many Iranians perceive Hezbollah's recent losses not as an isolated tragedy but as part of a broader narrative of retribution against those who have supported or enacted state violence. Social media reactions have been telling in this regard. For example, one commenter sarcastically remarked about the Hezbollah members blinded by the pager explosion, recalling how the regime had blinded numerous protesters in Iran without showing any compassion. The underlying message is that those who have caused pain and suffering are now experiencing a taste of their own medicine.
This sentiment is further fueled by the violent tactics historically employed by the Islamic Republic and groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. Suicide bombings, the use of ambulances and civilian planes to transport weapons and militants, kidnappings, and even the use of rape as a weapon of war have been present in the militant Islamist strategy. For decades, these brutal methods have been used to instill fear and maintain control, both within Iran and across the region. Many Iranians now view Hezbollah's current troubles as a form of reckoning—a reflection of the very violence they once helped spread.
There is also a prevailing sentiment among Iranians that sympathy for groups like Hezbollah and Hamas is a "first world luxury." For many in the West, the complex dynamics of the Middle East can often be viewed from a distance, focusing on geopolitical analysis rather than the personal and collective traumas experienced by those directly affected. Many Iranians argue that Western observers sometimes fail to grasp the extent of the suffering caused by these groups, which are not just abstract entities but have actively participated in violence, oppression, and the perpetuation of authoritarian rule.
Iranians also see hypocrisy in Islamists, who wish to impose ancient, draconian laws while simultaneously benefiting from modern technology. These groups preach ideologies that advocate practices from 1,400 years ago, such as polygamy, public flogging, and amputations. Yet, they readily use advanced communication devices, military technology, and even social media to further their cause. Many Iranians argue that those who wish to live by medieval laws and values should not have access to modern technology. This perceived contradiction further fuels the disdain towards groups like Hezbollah, as they are seen as using the advancements of the modern world to perpetuate archaic and violent ideologies.
The difference in reactions between those who have lived through the violence and those who view it from afar is stark. For many in the Iranian diaspora, celebrating the recent attacks on Hezbollah is seen as a celebration of resistance against a network of oppression that has inflicted pain and loss on their communities. They draw a clear distinction between this and the October 7 attack on Israel, which targeted civilians and involved acts of terror against civilians.
The recent pager explosions and the subsequent reactions from Iranians highlight the complexity of violence and justice in the Middle East. While any loss of life is tragic, the reactions among Iranians are shaped by decades of oppression, personal losses, and a struggle for freedom against a political system that they believe leverages groups like Hezbollah to maintain its grip on power.
For many Iranians, Hezbollah's suffering is viewed as poetic justice. It serves as a grim reminder that the tools of violence and repression can turn against those who wield them. The lack of compassion is not from a disregard for human life but from a deep-seated desire for justice and accountability for the countless acts of brutality inflicted upon them.
Opinions expressed by the author are not necessarily the views of Iran International