The formal resignation of Mohammad Javad Zarif, Iran’s Vice-President for Strategic Affairs has sparked sharp political reactions in Iran, with hardliners celebrating his exit and reformists warning of its broader implications.
His departure came less than four weeks after Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei reaffirmed his opposition to negotiations with the United States, a stance that undermined Zarif’s role in the government.
Zarif announced his resignation on Sunday, saying that the powerful Judiciary had asked him to return to teaching at the university, ostensibly because his children hold US citizenship.
Several conservative lawmakers seized the moment to push for further resignations. Tehran MP Amirhossein Sabati said, "There are several other officials in the government who must either revoke their children’s dual nationality or be removed from their positions."
Hardliners like Sabeti cite a law that bans individuals with dual citizenship or close relatives with dual citizenship from holding sensitive positions as the basis for the action.
Zarif's children were automatically granted US citizenship at birth in New York while he spent much of his career with the Iranian delegation at the United Nations.
Although they now reside in Iran, the Law on the Appointment of Individuals to Sensitive Positions, enacted in October 2022, bans Zarif from holding his position as vice president for strategic affairs.
Hardliner MP Hamid Rasaei dismissed the notion that Zarif had voluntarily resigned, saying, "Someone whose presence is legally null and void cannot resign. Rather, after being formally charged, they should be dismissed from the position they unlawfully occupied."
Zarif’s allies and reformist figures have framed his resignation as a significant loss. Hesamoddin Ashna, an advisor to former President Hassan Rouhani, suggested that Zarif had been forced out. Others, including Hassan Younesi, said his departure would be welcomed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Early Monday, Zarif posted on X that he had been invited to a meeting with judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, who "recommended that I return to the university to prevent further pressure on the government. I immediately accepted."
Political analyst Mohsen Sazgara told Iran International TV that Zarif was no longer useful to the government after Khamenei banned negotiations with the US. "Khamenei put figures like Hemmati and Zarif to be grilled by the hardliners, and there is a chance some other ministers might be impeached," he said.
Reformist commentators have warned that Zarif’s resignation, coming shortly after the impeachment of Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati, signals growing instability within Pezeshkian’s administration.
Abbas Abdi told Khabar Online that official positions on potential US negotiations had "closed off possibilities, forcing Pezeshkian to confront harsh realities that he had not anticipated."
The relatively moderate Etemad newspaper reported that Hemmati’s impeachment may have been orchestrated outside parliament, suggesting that "internal parliamentary events had little influence" on the decision. In contrast, the conservative Kayhan newspaper welcomed Hemmati’s removal, calling it a necessary step for economic reform.
Iran’s parliament impeached Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati on Sunday, bringing his tenure to an end after lawmakers blamed him for the country’s worsening economic crisis.
The vote followed a heated session in which Hemmati defended his record while critics pointed to the surging exchange rate and rising inflation.
Parliament voted 182 to 89 in favor of impeachment, with one abstention and one void ballot out of 273 total votes. Under Article 135 of Iran’s Constitution, ministers remain in office unless dismissed by the president or voted out by parliament.
The sharp rise in the price of a staple food, now a lifeline for an increasingly impoverished population, has become a major public concern in recent weeks, a trend now confirmed by official data.
The average price of potatoes reached over 500,000 rials (about 54 US cents) per kilogram in February, up from approximately 150,000 rials a year earlier. Today, the average Iranian worker earns roughly $120-170 per month, while official estimates suggest that a minimum of $500 is needed for the basic survival of a family of three.
The surge positions potatoes as the food item with the highest price increase in the past 12 months, significantly exceeding the country's general inflation rate, which according to official figures hovers around 35%.
Attributing the sharp rise in potato prices to increased exports and smuggling, Agriculture Minister Gholamreza Nouri Ghezeljeh said on Sunday that exports have been halted. "More potatoes were exported this year compared to last year, and some were also smuggled," he said.
Due to fuel and other government subsidies, it is cheaper to produce food staples in Iran than in some neighboring countries. Also, as Iran's currency has lost 50% of its value since September, exporting any homegrown product for foreign currency has become more rewarding.
Paradoxically, Deputy Agricultural Minister Akbar Fat'hi announced in January that Iran was importing 50,000 tons of potatoes to combat soaring prices.
The imported potatoes, aimed at stabilizing the market, were to be sold at approximately 30 US cents per kilogram, significantly below current prices. He warned further imports may be necessary if the market remains volatile.
Eggplant also saw a substantial price increase of 123%, ranking second among food items with the highest annual inflation.
The Statistical Center's report revealed that a broad range of essential goods, including legumes, rice, and dairy products, have experienced significant price hikes in recent weeks. Pinto beans, for instance, saw a 30% increase in just one month, while Iranian rice rose by an average of 13.5%.
While many food categories experienced significant inflation, chicken and beef prices remained relatively stable, with increases of 4% and 8%, respectively. This stability is likely due to decreased demand as rising costs force many Iranians to reduce meat consumption.
Directors Behtash Sanaeeha and Maryam Moghaddam, actors Esmail Mehrabi and Lily Farhadpour, producer Gholamreza Mousavi, and one of the film’s cinematographers faced charges of propaganda against the state, promoting immoral content, and screening the film without a permit, according to US-based rights group, Human Rights Activist News Agency (HRANA).
A day after the hearing, Farhadpour wrote a post on her Telegram channel recounting details of the session.
Describing the trial as an inquisition rather than a judicial process, she wrote that the courtroom featured a “Prosecutor’s Desk” where no one sat. “The judge is both the judge and the prosecutor—but mostly the prosecutor,” she added. “You do not feel like you are being judged; you feel like you are only being prosecuted.”
She later deleted the post, writing, “They told me to delete the previous post. I said: ‘Of course.’” She did not specify who instructed her, but Iranian authorities have increasingly restricted artists' social media activities and pressured them to self-censor.
My Favorite Cake tells the story of an elderly woman living alone in Tehran, navigating the loneliness of old age while seeking new experiences. The film explores themes of personal freedom, love, and human connection.
Authorities have taken issue with the film’s portrayal of life outside state-imposed social restrictions, particularly its depiction of women without mandatory hijabs and scenes that hint at relationships outside conservative norms of unmarried couples.
The film also features scenes where the characters consume alcohol—an act that, while common in private homes, is illegal under Iran’s strict laws. In Iran, the production, sale, and consumption of alcohol have been prohibited since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Despite the ban, alcohol consumption persists through underground networks, with many Iranians producing homemade wine and spirits in private settings.
The film was awarded the FIPRESCI Jury Prize at Berlinale and the Silver Hugo at the Chicago Film Festival.
Moghadam and Sanaeeha, known for their previous festival appearances, were unable to attend their film’s premiere last year due to a travel ban imposed on them by Iranian authorities.
The film crew's trial comes amid an intensified crackdown on independent filmmakers and artists in Iran, particularly those who challenge state-imposed restrictions.