Iranian hardline daily warns Pezeshkian against meeting US officials at UN assembly

Pezeshkian reiterated that joining the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), reviving the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA), and improving international relations are crucial for removing barriers to foreign investment and trade. He emphasized that these steps are essential for achieving the goals outlined in Iran's 20-year Vision Plan (2005-2025). Pezeshkian also pledged to formally request that the Expediency Council prioritize FATF accession on its agenda.

Without accession to several international financial conventions demanded by FATF, Iran cannot have full access to global banking, normal trade relations and investments by large global companies.

In 2018, the Parliament approved two pieces of legislation that the FATF required to take Iran off of its black list. The hardline Constitutional watchdog, the Guardian Council, however, rejected the legislation and the issue was referred for arbitration to the Expediency Council which has has not acted to date. Two other laws were never approved by parliament.

Iran has been on the money-laundering watchdog’s blacklist since February 2020.

Hardliners, ultra-hardliners, and their supporters in the parliament, media, and across social media platforms have reacted forcefully to Pezeshkian’s remarks. A political analyst in Tehran told Iran International that powerful individuals whose financial interests will suffer from transparency are the main driving force behind the opposition to accession to FATF. They also prefer economic sanctions to remain in place because as regime insiders they make money by circumventing trade and banking restrictions.

Iranian media and politicians often refer to individuals who make huge profits from selling Iran's oil in international black markets as “profiteers of sanctions”. The extent of such dealings, and profits involved, was revealed in 2013 when business magnate Babak Zanjani was arrested for withholding at least $2.7 billion of the proceeds of sanctioned oil sales on behalf of the Oil Ministry.

Authorities claim Zanjani whose death sentence was commuted to twenty years in prison in April “with the approval of the Supreme Leader” has returned the embezzled money.

“Khamenei did initially oppose Rouhani’s insistence on the necessity of accession to the FATF but without his consent, the parliament could not have passed the two pieces of legislation in 2018 despite the extreme opposition of hardliners,” the political analyst said.

He also pointed out that at the time, Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani told lawmakers expressly that there was no objection from the Leader’s Office to the controversial legislation.

“Oligarchs like Zanjani are now many. Bloomberg’s recent revelation of the role that Hossein Shamkhani is now playing as the top seller of sanctioned oil in global markets is very telling of the extent of these individual’s influence,” he added.

Ali Shamkhani, Hossein Shamkhani’s father, served as Iran's National Security Council for almost a decade until May 2023.

In a speech at the Parliament on September 17, Mahmoud Nabavian, an ultra-hardliner Paydari Party lawmaker, claimed that the international money-laundering watchdog requires Iran to “announce” that the “Qods Force's, [slain commander Qasem] Soleimani, the people of Gaza and Hamas, Yemen and all resistance forces are terrorists.”

Nabavian, an ally of Saeed Jalili who ran against Pezeshkian in the recent elections also insisted that FATF accession means that information on all of Iran's financial activities and trade should be provided to the US and other countries.

“This means identification and full obstruction of all the trade paths of the Iranian nation,” he said.

Speaking to Mehr news agency Tuesday, Mostafa Mirsalim, a hardliner politician and member of the Expediency Council, contended that joining the FATF would be more damaging than not joining it unless the US, which has listed the IRGC and “resistance front” as terrorist organizations, lifts its sanctions and “ends its hostility” with the Islamic Republic.

In one of the election debates in June, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, a conservative candidate, alleged that then secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), Saeed Jalili, had been the major force behind the rejection of accession to financial conventions since 2016.

Pezeshkian’s hardliner predecessor, Ebrahim Raisi, in whose government Jalili wielded much influence from behind the scenes also criticized the Rouhani administration, claiming that trade problems were better solved by relying on “neighbors and friendly countries” including China and Russia, and scraping the use of the dollar.

While also emphasizing trade and good relations with “neighbors and friends”, Pezeshkian and his government appear to be determined about joining the FATF.

In response to Michael D. Higgins' allegations, the Israeli embassy in Dublin denied the claim, calling the Irish president's comments “highly inflammatory and potentially slanderous.”

Higgins made the comments in New York, where he is attending a UN summit, while responding to questions from journalists about the criticism he faced for sending the letter to Pezeshkian.

When pressed by the Irish Independent about the source of the criticism, Higgins suggested the letter had been leaked by the Israeli embassy, asking: "Why don’t you ask where it came from? … Where the criticism came from and how the letter was circulated and by whom and for what purpose?"

He later added, "It was circulated from the Israeli embassy." Higgins also noted that he was unsure how Israeli authorities had obtained the letter and pointed out that Israel’s ambassador to Ireland, Dana Erlich, had been recalled and was unavailable for consultation.

Erlich, who was recalled in May following Ireland’s recognition of a Palestinian state, has not returned to her post. Earlier this month, the embassy expressed hope that Erlich would resume her duties in Dublin "under more friendly conditions."

In its statement the Israeli embassy said, “Since the October 7 invasion by Hamas and the massacre in Israel, we have faced a surge in malicious statements and accusations, often amounting to incitement to hatred."

The Israeli embassy had also previously condemned the Higgins' letter, stating that sending the congratulatory letter to Masoud Pezeshkian could have “served as an opportunity” to challenge what it described as a “theocratic dictatorship that oppresses its own people, especially women," and to raise concerns about their policies and actions.

Responding to the criticism, Higgins described the letter as a "standard" diplomatic protocol for welcoming a newly elected head of state.

He emphasized that the letter also highlighted the importance of peace and diplomacy in the Middle East. The correspondence had been leaked online in August, drawing attention.

The embassy also labeled Higgins' claim as "baseless" and "potentially slanderous," arguing that the letter did not address key concerns, such as Iran's regional threats, its calls for Israel's destruction, its support for terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, or its human rights violations against its own citizens.

Iran has maintained a long-standing enmity with Israel, characterized by decades of political hostility, military tension, and proxy conflicts. The Islamic Republic does not recognize Israel’s right to exist, with Iranian leadership, particularly Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, frequently calling for Israel's destruction. Iran has been a major supporter of anti-Israeli groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza, providing them with funding, weapons, and military training.

Iran's new President has not deviated from the country’s established anti-Israel stance. A longtime figure within the Iranian political establishment, Pezeshkian is seen as aligned with the broader policies of the Islamic Republic.

A video clip posted on social media after Pezeshkian’s first press conference last week has gone viral on social media that shows some media figures confronting Pezeshkian as he was preparing to leave and questioning him about Mousavi, his wife Zahra Rahnavard, and the former Parliament Speaker Mehdi Karroubi.

The three whom hardliners invariably refer to as the “2009 sedition leaders” have been under house arrest since 2011. Speaking about their case, Pezeshkian referred to Mousavi simply as "the other one," failing to utter his name.

“As for the house arrest, Mr. Karroubi’s problem has been solved. We are working on the other one, but the view is, my view is, we need to follow up on this, but the system should not be challenged,” Pezeshkian told them.

Critics say referring to Mousavi as “the other one” was blatant disrespect.

“Someone should remind Mr. Pezeshkian that his name is not “the other one”. His name is Mir-Hossein Mousavi. [He is] the symbol of standing on the people’s side…,” Milad Alavi, a journalist with the reformist Shargh daily tweeted.

Journalist and women’s rights activist Jila Baniyaghoob also took to X to protest. “He is the only Iranian political figure who people [affectionately] called by his first name, Mir-Hossein … He is really one of a kind, a person who has not been matched by anyone, whether amongst the opposition at home or abroad,” she wrote.

Tara, a 48-year-old teacher, voted for Pezeshkian in the runoffs after boycotting the first round and has since been keeping a close eye on his actions. Like everyone else who watched the press conference on TV, she only became aware of Pezeshkian’s remarks after the broadcast through social media and was infuriated.

“More importantly, it is not just ‘the other one’. There is also Rahnavard. It’s very disappointing that Mr. Pezeshkian failed to acknowledge the brave woman who has been enduring house arrest alongside Mousavi all these years,” she told Iran International.

“It was a bad blunder. Pezeshkian should have named Mousavi too or no one at all so he wouldn’t look disrespectful or afraid of getting into trouble with Khamenei over defending Mousavi’s rights,” Hamid, 56, who also voted half-heartedly for Pezeshkian after long discussions with friends and family told Iran International, adding that in his view Pezeshkian’s press conference was very disappointing overall.

Some reformists including prominent journalist Ahmad Zeidabadi have defended Pezeshkian arguing that not referring to Mousavi by name was not meant as disrespect. “He wouldn’t have thrown himself in the minefield if he was so cowardly,” he argued.

Some others like Iranian-Canadian journalist Hossein Derakhshan have argued that Pezeshkian often refers to people by pronouns like “this” or “that”. This, Derakhshan and others say, is normal in Turki, Pezeshkian’s mother tongue, and an indication that he translates from Turki when speaking Persian.

Karroubi’s son Mohammad-Hossein on Tuesday said his father, now 86, was still under house arrest. He had said earlier his father insists that Mousavi and his wife should be simultaneously freed if authorities want to lift his own house arrest.

Karroubi supported Pezeshkian’s bid to presidency in the recent presidential elections, but Mousavi and Rahnavard rejected the ballot box taken to them at their residence although all three had voted in several elections before, including the presidential elections of 2017.

Unlike former President Hassan Rouhani, Pezeshkian has never publicly pledged to convince Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to end the house arrest of the three leaders of the Green Movement. Nevertheless, he did not object when thousands of his supporters chanted Mousavi’s name during one of his campaign meetings.

“Referring to Mousavi as ‘the other one’, even if it was a linguistic and unconscious mistake, is an indication of how sensitive and compelling the ‘Mir-Hossein issue’ and his positions remain, after so many years of house arrest, that Pezeshkian is forced to avoid even mentioning his name,” pro-Mousavi political activist Hosein Naghashi tweeted.

Mousavi who had refrained from openly challenging Khamenei’s authority in 2009 released a short statement entitled “To Save Iran” in February 2023, after the ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ protests spread across Iran, to pay homage to the movement and express his vision about the future.

The former premier, now 82, called for a fair and free referendum to determine whether the current constitution, which grants extraordinary powers to the Supreme Leader, should be amended or completely rewritten. He suggested that if necessary, a new constitution should be drafted, and a constitutional assembly formed to decide the future structure of the government, ultimately putting the new constitution to a public vote.

Some reformists who had likewise adhered to the belief that the Islamic Republic was reformable welcomed the more radical positions he outlined in his statement.

Many Iranians have always held Mousavi responsible for much of the wrongdoings and atrocities of the Islamic Republic during his premiership (1981-1989) including the prison purges of 1988 that were ordered by the Islamic Republic’s founder, Ruhollah Khomeini.

Mousavi has never denounced Khomeini who took his side when his differences with Khamenei, then president, developed into constant conflict. There was no mention of Khomeini and his ‘golden era’ in Mousavi’s "To Save Iran" statement .

Dubbed the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement, nationwide demonstrations erupted in Iran after the killing of Mahsa Jina Amini while in the custody of the state’s notorious "morality police," who enforce the mandatory Islamic hijab. Over the following months, security forces killed more than 500 people and jailed tens of thousands.

In memory of the victims killed on September 21, 2022, the advocacy group Victims' Families for Transitional Justice (VFFTJ) published the names of those killed, calling it "the darkest day" of the month.

"The peak of the crackdown was two years ago today when they killed at least 55 people in a single day," said Mahsa Piraei, a member of VFFTJ, in an interview with Iran International English on Saturday. Piraei’s mother, Minoo Majidi, was fatally shot by state security forces during protests in Kermanshah, western Iran.

"Those are just the names we know," Piraei added. "Many are still too afraid to even acknowledge that their child or family member was killed," she emphasized, highlighting the ongoing fear and repression that continues to silence the families of victims.

At Amini's funeral on September 17, 2022, in Saqqez, Kurdistan province, crowds chanted anti-regime slogans, echoing the protests that had already erupted in Tehran. Fueled by widespread anger over women's rights and decades of government repression, these demonstrations quickly spread across the nation.

Soran Mansournia, a member of VFFTJ and the brother of Borhan Mansournia, who was killed during Iran’s November 2019 protests, reflected on the state’s response, describing the mass killings of protesters during two key phases of the 2022 uprising.

“During the 'Woman, Life, Freedom' movement, the number of people killed on the streets was very high in two main periods—the first in late September and the second in late November 2022," Mansournia said in an interview with Iran International English.

"In late September 2022, the government sought to scare the public by severely suppressing protesters, hoping to prevent the spread of demonstrations to other cities. This led to the killing of many Iranian citizens over two days, September 21 and 22, with at least 55 people killed on September 21 alone."

Mansournia noted that a second wave of intensified crackdowns occurred in late November 2022 when people took to the streets to mark the anniversary of the November 2019 protests, during which at least 1,500 protesters were killed by state security forces.

"By early November 2022, the protests had subsided, and a sense of downturn had set in," Mansournia recounted. "As the third anniversary of Bloody November approached, people spontaneously called for a return to the streets, especially to remember those killed in November 2019, reigniting the protests."

In response, the Islamic Republic once again unleashed its security forces. “Many people across Iran took to the streets again, and unfortunately, this resulted in yet another large number of deaths, especially in the final days of November 2022,” Mansournia said.

"These two periods—late September and late November—were the bloodiest phases of the 'Woman, Life, Freedom' movement during the six to seven months of protests," Mansournia emphasized.

Human rights organizations estimate that of the at least 551 protesters killed, 68 were children and 49 were women.

State's crackdown on victim’s families on second anniversary of slain protestors

Amid the state’s clampdown, which includes threats and arrests of victims' families—this year targeting Amini’s family as well—some managed to hold small gatherings on Saturday to commemorate the second anniversary of their loved ones killed.

The state's pressure on families continues, however, as highlighted by the recent arrest of Mina Soltani, mother of slain protester Shahryar Mohammadi, and the intimidation of many others into silence.

Piraei highlighted the state's crackdown on victims' families, attributing it to fears of renewed protests during anniversaries. "This is exactly what the authorities fear could happen again, which is why the Islamic Republic prevents victims' families from holding memorials," she said.

"The regime knows that the families of those killed have widespread support, and they fear the protests could reignite," she added.

As seen during last year’s first-anniversary protests, the crackdown has followed a familiar pattern, with ongoing detentions and increasing pressure on those trying to honor their loved ones.

On Sunday, Gohar Eshghi, the mother of Sattar Beheshti—a blogger who died under torture in custody in 2012—announced she would begin a hunger strike outside the UN office in Tehran to protest the arrests of families of slain protesters.

In a video message, Eshghi expressed her solidarity with the families of Mina Soltani, Mashallah Karami, and Pouya Bakhtiari, as well as with all the children imprisoned by the regime.

Eshghi declared, "Tomorrow, I will go on strike outside the United Nations. If [Supreme Leader]Ali Khamenei’s mercenaries don’t allow me, I will go on strike outside Imamzadeh Saleh...My life for Iran."

Notably, memorials held on Saturday saw families act in defiance of security forces, as families continue to honor their loved ones.

Maryam, the sister of Roozbeh Khademian, who was killed in Karaj during the protests, released a dove at her brother’s grave.

"Two years have passed, and the pain remains unbearable," she said. Videos of Saeed Mohammadi’s mother singing a mournful song at her son’s grave in Kermanshah were shared on social media, capturing the deep heartbreak that still lingers.

Milad Mogouyi, the brother of Mahsa Mogouyi, who was killed during the revolutionary uprising, posted a video on Instagram commemorating the second anniversary of his sister’s death. He wrote, “On the second anniversary of September 2022, when we lost so many of our loved ones, we gathered at your grave to remind you that we will remember you until our last breath, and your blood will not have been shed in vain.”

Mansournia paid tribute to 15-year-old protester Amir Hossein Basati, who was fatally shot by state security forces on September 21, 2022, by sharing a video of Basati drawing his last breaths on a pavement in Kermanshah.

Most Iranians, battered by years of 40% annual inflation, now spend half or more of their income on rent alone. This means that an ordinary worker earning $200 a month has less than $100 for food and all the other essentials.

This week, Mohammad Saleh Shokoohi Bidehendi, a faculty member at the Iran University of Science and Technology's School of Architecture and Urban Planning, said: "In global rankings, Iran is among countries where housing prices are disproportionately high compared to average incomes."

Speaking at a meeting titled 'Programmatic Solutions for Housing Provision in Iran', organized by the Center for Iran’s Development and Foresight Studies, he added: "This makes it extremely difficult for many families to afford a home."

He noted that housing costs consume 37% of household expenses in urban areas, about 50% in Tehran Province, and over 55% in the city of Tehran. "This situation has placed Iran seventh worldwide in terms of housing affordability relative to household income," he added.

While he did not specify the source of the figures, they match closely with global data. According to Numbeo's mid-2024 reports, Tehran was ranked as the fourth most expensive city globally based on the House Price to Income (HPI) ratio, while Iran stands as the twelfth most expensive country. The HPI compares the median house price to the median household income, highlighting the significant gap between property costs and average earnings.

In July, Iranian media reported that ordinary citizens are now confronting the grim reality of a century-long wait to achieve homeownership as housing prices continue to soar. By June, the average price per square meter in the capital had surged to approximately 860 million rials (around $1,475).

For working-class Iranians earning an average of $200 per month, local estimates suggest that it would take over a century — if not longer — for a wage earner to afford even the smallest residential unit.

Economic sanctions, high inflation rates, and a surge in real estate investment as a hedge against currency devaluation have driven property prices upward. The economic crisis has also forced at least one third of Iranians below the poverty line.

Moreover, data from the Central Bank of Iran indicates that the average price per square meter of residential units in Tehran has skyrocketed in recent years, far outpacing wage growth. The disparity has led to declining home ownership rates, forcing many households to allocate a substantial portion of their income to rent.

Fardin Yazdani, an expert in urban and housing economics and director of the comprehensive housing plan review studies, noted during the meeting that after 2018, the economic landscape in Iran shifted dramatically.

Due to sanctions and a surge in demand for investment in land and housing - driven by the need to safeguard the value of financial assets - Investment shifted away from the production sector. This exacerbated negative economic growth, culminating in stagflation within the housing market. Iran's currency has lost its value almost 15-fold since early 2018.

It's a peculiar paradox in the housing market: while genuine demand shrinks because families can't afford to buy homes, prices continue their upward march, because people consider their real estate as the only guarantee against inflation. Wealthy investors, eager to preserve the value of their assets amid economic uncertainty, are snapping up properties to hedge against inflation.

It has made real estate — much like gold and foreign currencies — a favored capital investment in Iran. Many are attempting to safeguard their assets from rapid currency depreciation by purchasing houses and apartments. As a result, real estate prices continue to climb in tandem with the escalating value of the dollar.

Experts say it is critical for the government to implement effective tax regulations to prevent land from becoming a speculative asset. A comprehensive national land and housing plan is also needed, along with restructuring the national budgeting system.

The ongoing economic crisis has eroded public confidence, reflected recently by historically low voter turnout in elections. Experts warn that economic turmoil is likely to worsen, with no end in sight to Iran's confrontational nuclear and regional policies.